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^* ' ■ ,, REPORT OF THE COMMISSION

TO LOCATE THE SITE

FRONTIER FORTS

OF PENNSYLVANIA. ^ ^.-.^.rj/^^

VOLUME ONE

SECOND EDITION

Edited by

THOMAS LYNCH MONTGOMERY, LITT. D

HARKISBURG, PA.:

WM. STANLlEY RAY, STATE PRINTER

1916

PREFATORY NOTE

An act authorizing the Governor of this Commonwealth to appoint five persons to make inquiry and examine into and make report to the next session of this Legislature, at its next regular session, the advisability of erecting suitable tablets, marking the various forts erected as a defense against the Indians by the early settlers of this Commonwealth prior to the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three.

Section 1. Be it enacted, &c., That on and after thirty days from the passage of this act, the Governor of this Common- wealth is hereby authorized and required to appoint five per- sons to make inquiry in relation to the various forts erected by the early settlers of this Commonwealth prior to the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, as a defense against the Indians. Said five persons are hereby authorized to make inquiry and examination as to the number and loca- tion of said forts and the propriety of erecting tablets to mark said forts and do such things as they may deem best to carry out the provisions of this act, and make report to the next regular session of the Legislature of this Commonwealth with- in thirty days after it shall convene.

Section 2-. The persons appointed to serve in making such examination and report shall be allowed no compensation for their services, only such actual expenses as they shall incur in making such examination and report and such railroad fare, not exceeding three cents per mile for each mile actually traveled thereon, and such other expenses of other conveyances as may be necessary in making such investigation and report. An itemized account and statement whereof shall be certified to by the Governor and attested by the Auditor General of the Commonwealth before paid by the Treasurer, which shall ac- company the report to the Legislature.

Approved— The 23d day of May, A. D. 1893.

KOBT. E. PATTISON.

(iii)

iv PREFATORY NOTE.

In accordance with the provisions of the foregoing act, Gov- ernor Pattison appointed as Commissioners the following gen- tlemen :

JOHN M. BUCKALEW, of Columbia county.

SHELDON EEYNOLDS, of Wilkes-Barre.

HENRY M. M. RICHARDS, of Reading.

JAY GILFILLAN WEISER, of Snyder county;

GEORGE DALLAS ALBERT, of Westmoreland county.

This Commission shortly after convened at Harrisburg, and nominated Captain Buckalew as their chairman, and at once proceeded to arrange a programme for carrying out the work as directed by law. It was then decided, on the ground of economy and expediting the work that Five Divisions be formed of those portions of the State where the Frontier Forts were erected, one of which should be confided to each member of the Commission. These were as follows:

I. That section of the State lying between the North and West Branches of the Susquehanna river, with the addition of Fort Augusta at Sunbury, to John M. Buckalew.

II. That section known in history as the Wyoming Valley Region, to Sheldon Reynolds.

III. That section between the Delaware and the Susque- hanna rivers, south of the Blue Mountains, except Fort Hali- fax and Fort Augusta, to Henry M. M. Richards.

IV. That section comprising the Juniata and Cumberland Valleys, including Fort Halifax, east of the Susquehanna river, to Jay Gilfillan Weiser.

V. That section lying west of the Allegheny mountains designated as Western Pennsylvania, to George Dallas Albert.

Each member of the Commission visited nearly all of the localities in person, thus covering every section of the country, celebrated in the annals of Frontier warfare; and the reports made, which are here published, were presented to the Gov- ernor of the Commonwealth, at the opening of the Session of the Legislature of 1895, and by him transmitted to the Senate and House of Representatives. The Assembly at once passed the following resolution :

PKEFATORY NOTE. v

In the Senate, January 10th, 1895.

Kesolved (if the House concur), That the State Printer be directed to print and bind in cloth, under the supervision of the State Librarian, five thousand (5,000) copies of the report of the Indian Forts Commission, filed with the Executive of the Commonwealth as required by act of Assembly, approved the 23d day of May, A. D. 1893; 2,500 copies being for the use of the present members of the House of Representatives, 1,000 copies for the use of the Senate, 500 for the Executive Depart- ment, 500 for the use of the State Librarian, and 100 for each of the five Commissioners who have made said report.

E. W. SMILEY, Clerk of the Senate.

The foregoing resolution concurred in January 23, 1895.

A. D. FETTEROLF, Clerk of the House of Representatives.

Approved— The 24th day of January, A. D. 1895.

In obedience thereto, the report of tbat Commission is here with submitted to the people of the Commonwealth. In most respects it is interesting and valuable. As a historial docu- ment the report of the Commission will compare favorably with any heretofore published by the State. There may be errors of opinion, and perchance, errors in facts, but this is to be expected when so little that is reliable has ever been pub- lished in regard to the Frontier Forts.

Whether it be sentiment or historical pride, the General As- sembly of Pennsylvania should take prompt action upon the recommendations of the Members of the Commission. They have done their duty well and faithfully. They have presented a report creditable to the Commonwealth, and invaluable as a contribution to the history of the State. The issue remains with the authorities. Let them act promptly and ef&ciently; and generations to come will rise up and bless their memories. WILLIAM HENRY EGLE, M. D.,

State Librarian.

vi PREFATORY NOTE.

During the Legislative Session of 1913 the State Librarian was asked bj Senator and Mrs. Endsley to suggest the titles of State publications, then out of print, which might be re- printed for the benefit of historical workers. Among others the Librarian suggested ^'Pennsylvania at Gettysburg'' and the ^'Frontier Forts."

An act was prepared by Senator Endsley authorizing a new edition of the "Frontier Forts" and appointing the State Li- brarian as the editor thereof, The Editor requested Dr. George P. Donehoo of Goudersport, a well known authority upon the history of the Indian tribes, as related to Pennsylvania, to prepare a preface for the new edition, and Doctor Donehoo responded as follows :

''The author of the introduction of the first edition of Fron- tier Forts states, 'It is not within the scope of this report to analyse the reasons which induced the Indians to commit their terrible depredations in the Province of Pennsylvania, where the policy of the government had always been of a peaceful character and was based on the principle of fair dealing with the aboriginies.'

While this statement is, in the main, true, it is nevertheless necessary for a right understanding of the history which is covered by these 'Border Wars,' that something be known of the conditions which made these wars possible. The author of this brief introduction realizes that it is not possible, in a mere introduction of this sort, to give a complete history of all of the causes which led to the alienation of the aboriginies, who welcomed the first white settlers to the shores of the Delaware. A whole volume would be needed to cover the history of this most interesting and vital epoch in Pennsylvania, and Ameri- can history. But, this brief sketch may help the reader to understand why the friendly Delaware was changed to a re- lentless foe, and to a certain extent give the reason back of the hostility of the period in which Pennsylvania was drenched in blood.

When William Penn was ready to embark upon the ship which was to carry him to the New World, in which he had received a grant of land from King Charles, he requested that he be given an audience by his sovereign. When this request

PRE:FAT0RY note. vii

was granted, the King, in jest, said to him, "It will not be long until I hear that you have gone into the savages' war- kettle: what is to prevent it?" "Their own inner light," said Penn. "Moreover, as I intend equitably to buy their lands- I shall not be molested." "Buy their lands," replied the King, in surprise, "Why, is not the land mine?" "No, your Majesty, you have no right to their lands; they are the original occu- pants of the soil." "What, have I not the right of discovery ?" "Well, just suppose that a canoe full of savages should by some accident discover Great Britain. Would you vacate, or sell?" Needless to say, the King was surprised, but he was no doubt more surprised by the results of Penn's policy.

New England commenced its conquest by trying to convert the Indian, in the menwhile taking possession of the soil. Penn commenced the conquest of his possessions on the Dela- ware by buying the land from the occupants and treating with them in friendly conferences, in order that he might win them to friendly relations with him and his people. The conquest of Pennsylvania was entirely different from that of any other part of the continent. It began with a Treaty of Peace, held under the spreading elm tree at Shackamaxon. Many writers have attempted to make this supposed scene, according to their views, entirely mythical. No matter where it was held, or when it was held — at Shackamaxon before William Penn arrived in the country, or at Chester after his arrival — it was most cer- tainly held at the commencement of the settlement of the Province, for the 'League of Amity' made with William Penn upon his taking possession of the land on the Delaware, is mentioned at nearly every Council held in the^Province in after years. The author can see no reason for changing the traditional site at Shackamaxon, or the year 1682. This place was a prominent gathering place for the Indians. Its very name, Sakimaxing, 'place of chiefs,' made it the most promi- nent village, or meeting place, in the region,

Penn wrote to the Commissioners, whom he had sent out to make the arrangements for the settlement of the Delaware, *Be tender to the Indians. Soften them to me and to the peo- ple. Let them know that you are come to sit down lovingly among them. Bead to them, in their own tongue, the conditions

viii PREFATORY NOTE.

made with the purchasers, that they shall deal justly with them. Make a friendship and league with them according to these conditions, which carefully observe.'

To the Indians he wrote, ''God, to whom you and I and all people owe their being, has written His law in our hearts, by which we are commanded to love, and to help, and to do good to one another, I desire to win and gain your love and friendship by a kind, just and peaceable life, and the people I send are of the same mind, and shall in all things behave themselves accordingly."

To Thomas Holme he wrote, "When the great God brings me among you, I intend to order all things in such a manner that we may live in love and peace, one with another. Which I hope the great God will incline both you and me to do."

These were the sentiments upon which William Penn com- menced his conquest of Pennsylvania, and these were the principles which entered into the ''League of Amity," which was to endure "as long as the sun gives light."

The belt of wampum which is supposed to have been given at the first Treaty with the Indians is preserved in a case in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. The inscription upon this case is, "Not Sworn to but Never Broken." This state- ment is correct. For seventy years this "League of Amity" was kept inviolate by the Indians, as well as by the Penns. Year after year the old chiefs of the Delawares went to Philadelphia to renew this agreement. In 1718 Civility, the old chief of the remnant of the once powerful Susquehanna, or Conestoga, Indians went to Philadelphia. In his "speech" to Sir William Keith, he said, in speaking of the visit of his tribesmen, "that they came, not to make any new Treaty or League of friendship, but only to renew or confirm those which had been made, and were hitherto inviolably kept on both sides." At a Council at Conestoga in 1721 Sir William Keith refers to the settlement of the Province, and said, "Some of your ancient men can yet remember the first settlement of the Province of Pennsylvania by William Penn. He was a good man, and had a great affection for the Indians; he entered into Leagues of friendship with them, and treated them as brethren." The Indian speakers said that they remembered those treaties with William Penn.

PREFATORY NOTE. ix

At a Treaty at Albany the following year Sir William Keith said, "You have likewise told us how William Penn, who was a good man, did, at his first settlement of the Province of Penn- sylvania, make leagues of friendship with the Indians, and treated them as brethren ; and that, like the same good man, he left it in charge to all his Governors who should succeed him, and to all the people of Pennsylvania, that they should always keep the covenant and treaties he made with the Five Nations, and treat them with love and kindness. We acknowledge that his Governors and people have always kept the same honestly and truly to this day; so we, on our part, have always kept and forever shall keep firm peace and friendship with a good heart, to all the people of Pennsylvania.''

For seventy years this peaceful policy of William Penn was carried out in all of the dealings of the Province with the Indians. At the Council at Easton in 1750 Tedyuskung, the leading Delaware chief, said, ''I remember well the leagues and covenants of our forefathers- We are but children in compari- son with them. What William Penn said to the Indians is still fresh in our minds; this we all remember and IT IS NOT A SMALL MATTER THAT WOULD HAVE THEN SEPA- KATED US."

It truly was not a small thing which led to the breaking of the friendship between the Delawares and the English settlers in the Province. The alienation of the Delawares was the cause which led directly to the fearful years of bloodshed and strife. With the Delawares went the Shawnee, and also the Seneca on the Ohio — called Mingo in many of the articles deal- ing with this period.

The first real step of the Indians in Pennsylvania from the "League of Amity" with the Province was caused by the ne- farious "Walking Purchase" of 1737, by which the Delawares lost, through a clear case of fraud, the most prized lands of their ancestors. Various attempts were made by the Provincial authorities, as well as by the Iroquois, to show that no fraud had been committed in this purchase. But, no method of argu- ment can make such a transacton just. It certainly was not wise. But whether just or wise it marked the commencement of the movement of both the Delaware and Shawnee away from

X PREFATORY NOTE.

English interest. The Delawares felt that they had been cheated in the "home of their friends," and as they were driven by the Iroquois to find refuge along the upper Susquehanna, in the Wyoming Valley, or moved westward to the Ohio, they felt that they had been wronged by the very ones whom they trusted most.

But, more galling than even the fraud which had been practiced upon them in this sale, was the realization that henceforth they were to take a seat in the background in all of the affairs of the Province, while the Iroquois assumed the position of the Master, not only of them, but also of all of the lands upon which they lived. When the Province of Pennsylvania paid the Iroquois for the lands upon the Dela- ware river, south of the Blue Mountains, in 1736, a precedent was made which the Iroquois were not slow to make the most of in the years to come. This was the first claim which the Iroquois had ever set up for ownership of land occupied by the Delawares. From 1682 until 1736 the Delawares had dealt directly with the Provincial authorities in the sale of all of the lands upon which they lived. From 1736 until the last purchase of Indian lands in Pennsylvania the Iroquois dealt directly with the Province, ignoring the right of the Delawares to a foot of the ground upon which they lived.

At the Council in Philadelphia in 1742 the Iroquois ordered the Delawares to remove at once to Shamokin or Wyoming, from their lands in the Minisinks, which they supposed had been reserved for them. The Delawares went away from this Council thoroughly humiliated because of the treatment given them. We can possibly realize what such treatment meant to the proud chiefs, who remembered the days when their fathers had been treated by William Penn with honor, as the rightful owners of the lands, which were now sold under their very feet by the Iroquois. They had not even been invited to go to this Council, but were informed that they could go if they so wished — at their own expense.

The Delaware and Shawnee moved to Wyoming, and west- ward to the Ohio. There is no doubt but that the chief factor in the ascendancy of the Iroquois in the affairs of the Province was Conrad Weiser, the famous Indian interpreter and diplo-

PREFATORY NOTE. xi

mat. All of his sympathy was with the Iroquois. He cared nothing for the Delawares. He came upon the scene just at the time when the pacific policy of Penn.was declining. Walton truly says, in his "Conrad Weiser," "Weiser helped Shikellamy sow the seed which drenched Pennsylvania in blood from 1755 to 1764. — Penn-sylvania suffered that a nation might live. She brought upon herself after many years a Delaware war, but escaped a Six Nation war, a French alliance with the Iroquois, and the threatened possibility of the destruction of all the English colonies on the coast." This statement is true. In bringing the Iroquois into the foreground in the affairs of the Province the neutrality of that powerful confederation was assured. Weiser was the chief power back of all of these efforts at this time. In the impending struggle between Great Britain and France it was absolutely essential for the preser- vation of the British Colonies that the Iroquois, as a Confedera- tion, remain neutral. This neutrality was assured by the Pro- vince in the recognition of the Iroquois claims for the lands occupied by the Delawares.

But, the recognition of the Iroqouis as the owners of the Delaware lands "by right of cpnquest,'' lost for Pennsylvania the friendship of the Delaware and Shawnee, who had been driven to the Ohio by the various land sales and by the en- croachments of the white settlers upon the lands which had not been bought by the Province.

From the time of the Purc|iase of 1736 the Delawares awak- ened to a realization of the wrong which had been done to them. They retreated from the Delaware across the Blue Mountains to Wyoming and Shamokin, to the West Branch and to the Ohio, seeking a place of refuge from the rum traffic and the horde of land-hungry settlers. But, no sooner had the lands been bought south of the Blue Mountains than the white settlers began to cross the Susquehanna and then the Kittatinny Mountains, into the lands which had not been pur- chased from the Indians. Again and again the Delaware and Shawnee complained to Shikellamy, the Iroquois deputy at Shamokin, concerning these "white squatters" who were sett- ling upon Indian lands along the Juniata river and in the Tuscorara Valley, Shikellamy complained to the authorities

xii PREFATORY NOTE.

of the Province. The Governor issued "Proclamations/^ no- tices were posted, but still the settlers remained. At the Treaty of Albany in 17^4 the Commissioners from Pennsylvania decided that something must be done to silence these com- plaints, which were assuming a dangerous tone. It was de- cided that the only thing to do was to buy the lands beyond the Allegheny mountains. This was finally accomplished. At the same time the Agents of the Busqftehanna Company, of Connecticut, were working on the quiet through the Mo- hawks for the purchase of the lands in the Wyoming Valley. The Mohawks had absolutely no more right to sell this land than a Delaware had a right to sell the lands of the Seneca. This fraudulent deal was carried through. Another sale had been made at the Treaty at Lancaster in 1744, in which the lands westward '^to the setting sun" were deeded by the Iro- quois to the Colony of Virginia. By this deed Virginia claimed the lands beyond the mountains including the lands on the Ohio river. Thus in 1754 the Delaware and Shawnee awoke to a realization that all of their lands were gone. The Mini- sinks, on the Delaware, had been sold in 1736 ; the lands along the Susquehanna had been disposed of by various sales, and now the lands in the Wyoming Valley and on the Ohio had been sold by the Iroquois. They had not a foot of ground which they could call their own.

The chiefs of the Delaware and Shawnee went back to their villages on the Ohio, brooding over their wrongs and waiting for the day of vengeance. This day was not long in coming. Right at the very time when these warriors of the Delawares and Shawnee had been cheated out of all of their possessions, Braddock was slowly cutting his way over the mountains of Pennsylvania to Fort Duquesne. Braddock's fearful defeat and slaughter was no sudden ''Indian uprising." It was the logical result of long years of injustice to the Delawares, and their kindred, the Shawnee. Braddock had to bear the con- sequences of the alienation of these Indian tribes. His defeat was not the cause of the bloodshed which followed. It was a result, which neither Washington or Forbes could have avoided had they led this ill-fated expedition. Braddock and his army, and the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia had to pay in

PREFATORY NOTE. xiii

blood for the splendid bargains which had been made by the English in the ^'Walking Purchase," and in the land grab in the Wyoming Valley. Truly, as Tedyuskung said at Easton, after speaking of William Penu's memory, "It is not a smalJ matter that would have then separated us." The Delaware and Shawnee would have been base cowards had they silently and meekly retreated beyond the Ohio without a struggle. In 1742 the Iroquois had declared that the Delawares were "women," having no right to bear arms or to sell land. In 1755 the Delawares threw away their "skirts" and took up the arms of a man to avenge their wrongs. They had complained at every Council which was held during this entire period concerning these land sales, the rum traffic and the settlemeni of lands which had not been purchased from the Indians. When all of these appeals failed they appealed to the only Court in America in which an Indian ever had any standing — the Supreme Court of Arms the last court of appeal of savage, as well as of civilized man. From 1682 until 1755 the Dela- wares were at peace ^ith the English in this Province. From 1755 until the last Delaware was driven beyond the Ohio river he was at war, simply because none of his claims had any recognition in any court of Justice.

After over 150 years the Ked Man, with claims aggregating over a billion dollars, finds himself in exactly the same con- dition so far as Courts of Justice are concerned, as did the Delaware of 1754 who was expected to meekly move on, when told to do so by some settler who wanted his land. The fearful slaughter of Braddock's troops and the entire route of his army by the comparatively small army of French and Indians opened the eyes of the Delaware and Shawnee. They, for the first time in the history of their relations with the white man, real- ized their own power. The Indians on the Ohio hesitated no longer but went over as a body to the side of the French. The Iroquois as a Confederation remained neutral, but great num- bers of the Seneca, who had been associated with the Dela- wares, because of the easy access to the villages on the Ohio by way of the Allegheny river, took up the hatchet^ and "the dogs of war were turned loose" upon the defenceless frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia. Some of the eastern Delaware

xiv PKEPATORY NOTE.

remained neutral, through the efforts of the friendly chiefs, but the great body of Delaware west of the Susquehanna river, led by Shingas, Tamaque (King Beaver), and other chiefs, carried death into the white settlements on the frontiers. The West Branch of the Susquehanna, the Allegheny river, and the winding Indian trails across the mountains became veri- table "trails of blood."

The "Border Wars" of Pennsylvania were caused because the Delaware and Shawnee refused to leave the land which they loved, without a struggle^ and because every treaty which they had ever made with the white man had been broken. Again and again these people "reserved" by a treaty a place of refuge "which it shall not be lawful for us or our children to sell, or for you or your children ever to buy" — only to find out that no such spot existed on the face of the earth for an Indian.

When the tide of Scotch-Irish settlers swept over the moun- tain ridges and into the valley beyond the "Endless Moun- tains," seeking to drive "the heathen from the Land of Promise" it is small wonder that the "heathen" refused to be driven — hence the Frontier Forts, and the border warfare which makes the period covered by this work one of the most thrilling in American history.

In order to understand this Epic of Pennsylvania one must know, not only the Indian but also the frontiersman, whose rugged character was moulded by the environment in which he was placed. Stretching along the foothills of the Alle- ghenies, at the commencement of the period which is pictured in these volumes, lived a class of people who were the pro- ducts of an environment almost as remarkable as that in which they found themselves after they were transplanted to the American continent. With but few exceptions they were Scotch-Irish or German, as their names in the Colonial Records show. As the 18th Century dawned, big with tremendous events, these pioneers had crossed the narrow strip of level land along the seaboard and were pushing their way to the long ridges of mountains along the western horizon. Their cabins dotted the mountain sides^ far beyond the limits of civilization, in the very heart of the great forest enshrouded wilderness.

PREFATORY NOTE. xv

Along this skirmish, line of civilization, out beyond the ad- vance guard of the German and English lived the Scotch- Irish, who had little in common with the quiet Quakers who lived along the Delaware. Long before the outbreak of the Indian hostility their cabins were builded in the little clear- ings beyond the mountains of the Juniata and the West Branch valleys. One must live in such environment in order to under- stand its influence. The mountains and brooding forests pro- duce men of a different type than is produced in the artificial life of any community, however large or small it may be. The mystery, the silence, the solemn grandeur, the lurking danger of the environment of mountains and forests get into a man's very soul. The diflSculties and dangers of life in such an atmosphere make the small things of mere political expe- diency seem small indeed. Each man acts for himself. Self, and the little group within the cabin, becomes a center of life and of life's aims. It is small wonder then that the very same motive which led the Delaware to seek the protection of his wigwam, led the frontiersman to the protection of his cabin. Both were alike under the spell of the savage life of the forest and mountain, and both used the same methods of protecting that which he loved. The frontiersman of Pennsylvania, living as an Indian lived^ became an Indian in everything but his religion. He hunted, fished, fought, not as his father had done these things beyond the eastern hills, but as the Indians did in the trackless forests.

It is not difiQcult to understand why these frontiersmen were little effected by the "Proclamations" which were issued by the Provincial authorities, warning them to give up the land upon which they had built their cabin. Philadelphia was a long distance away, and the questions of Indian policy were just as far removed from the quiet cabin beyond the outskirts of civilization. So, before he was fully aware of its coming, the storm had broken, and his cabin was a smoking ruin. The tale of these years is a sad one indeed. But out of the hardship and suffering of those years was produced the type of men who made possible the existance of the great Nation which now sweeps westward to the Pacific. The Boarder Wars of Pennsylvania and Virginia were but the prelude to the Revo-

xvi PREFATORY NOTE.

lution. These frontiersman made possible the Nation, which sprang out of the rugged manhood which was produced during this epoch of struggle against savagery. These were the men who were with Braddock and Washington, who were with Forbes and Bouquet^ who were with Crawford and Wayne, and these were the men who were with Washington at Valley Forge and with Stark and Morgan at Saratoga. Without them there would have been no Declaration of Independence and no United States of America. Chancellor MacCracken, of the University of New York, said at the dedication of the Saratoga Battle Monument, in speaking of the Germans with Herkimer, ''The German-Americans who followed Herkimer were by no means the only Germans who fought the battles of Saratoga. Over twenty-two per cent, of the so-called Virginia riflemen, of whom we shall hear, are declared upon good authority to have been Pennsylvania Germans." And again he says, "If I turn to the men who followed Morgan, being detached by George Washington from his army, the most of these were Scotch- Irish from the Blue Ridge and the Alleghenies.'^ Sir George Trevelyan says of these, in his "History of the American Revo- lution," "History knows them as Morgan's Virginians^ but full two-thirds of them were from the western frontiers of Pennsylvania, and two-thirds of these were Scotch-Irish who traced their descent back to Ulster." While the fashionable people of New York were declaring themselves openly against the Revolution, and were paying court to Tryon, the British Governor, on his ship in the harbor, the frontiersmen of Penn- sylvania and Virginia were rallying to the support of the army of Washington. Cut out of the Revolutionary army the frontiersmen of Pennsylvania and Virginia and there would be little left.

The men who were being trained in the hardships of the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia during the period of these border wars were the men who were to drive France from the Ohio, and then place Washington at the head of a new Nation.

History has not yet done justice to the Red Men who fought for the land which they loved, nor has History yet done justice to the Frontiersman of Pennsylvania who drove out the Red

PREFATORY NOTE. xvii

Man and then the Frenchman and then the Britishman. And yet — the history of the Indian and the History of the Frontiers- man is the only thing in our literature which saves it from being merely commonplace.

The student of history will find these volumes of the Frontier Forts a most valuable storehouse. Pennsylvania is a small state in area, but it is large in the great world of History. Fort Duquesne, Braddock's Field, Fort Necessity, Bushy Run, Valley Forge, Gettysburg — these, and many more spots upon her soil, have been the scenes where World History was made."

The recommendations of the Commission upon Frontier Forts were submitted in 1895, but no active measures were taken by the Legislature to carry them out until the Penn- sylvania Historical Commission was appointed by Governor Tener.

The Sons of the Revolution and the Daughters of the Ameri- can Revolution, the Enoch Brown Memorial Association and the various historical societies have shown a commendable in- terest in marking these sites. The Historical Commission has assisted in placing appropriate markers at Fort McCord, at Fort Augusta, on Penn's Creek, Fort Loudon, and Harris' Ferry ; and has arranged for placing others at Fort Necessity, Ligonier, Fort McDowell, Fort Hunter and Fort Granville.

The Berks County Historical Society has marked Fort North- kill, Fort Henry and Fort Dietrich Snyder during the past year. The indications are that within the next year all the more important forts will be adequately marked, and that thus one of the wise recommendations of the Frontier Forts Commission will be satisfactorily carried out.

In the opinion of the Editor certain of those sites, such as Fort Augusta, should be purchased by the State and con- verted into small parks. The Bushy Run battlefield should also be purchased, and an adequate monument placed there in honor of the brave and efficient Colonel Bouquet — the hero of that affray.

THE EDITOR.

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SITE OF FRONTIER FORTS BETWEEN THE DELAWARE AND SUSQUEHANNA.

THE INDIAN FORTS

OF

THE BLUE MOUNTAINS

By H. M. M. RICHARDS

(1)

(2)

THE INDIAN FORTS OF THE BLUE MOUN- TAINS

It is not within the scope of this report to analyse the rea- sons which induced the Indians to commit their terrible depre- dations in the Province of Pennsylvania, where the policy of the government had always been of a peaceful character and was based on the principle of fair dealing with the aborigines. It is sufficient to say, that, as they daily saw themselves pushed back by the onward march of the white man, their hunting grounds, teeming with game, and streams, filled with fish, lost to them, either through fair purchase or more likely fraudulent action on the part of the settlers, it needed but a spark to fire the savage nature in their breasts and create a flame which blood alone could extinguish. That spark came from the field of Braddock's defeat in 1755, and, in its train, there swarmed amongst the frontier settlements of the Province hundreds of scalping parties, carrying death and destruction with them everywhere, whose work did not finally cease until the year 1783.

At this time the Blue Mountains practically marked the limit of actual settlement on the part of the white men, and it was along this range that the storm burst in all its fury. Standing as it did on the verge of civilization, and forming in itself a natural barrier, it was but in accordance with reason to occupy it for the purpose of defense and to there stay the further encroachment of the enemy. It is well here to bear in mind the fact that the attacks and depredations of the Indians were not made by large bodies or any numbers combined, neither were the tactics of civilized warfare followed, but parties of from three to ten or twenty would creep noiselessly past alert and watchful sentries and suddenly fall upon their unsuspecting victims, just as suddenly disappearing after

(3)

4 THE INDIAN FORTS

their horrible work had been completed, long before the alarm could be spread and the most active troops overtake them.

This required peculiar methods of defense, necessitating the erection of forts, not very distant from each other, which would occupy prominent points of approach, if possible be situated on elevated ground thus furnishing a view of danger in advance, convenient of access to the settlers who might and did constantly flee to them for refuge, and, last, but by no means least, be provided with an abundance of water near by. Upon the occurrence of the first murders, blockhouses were erected by the settlers themselves, or farm houses used as such, which were located where the danger seemed most imminent and without respect to any general plan. In 1756, however, the Provincial Government took the defense of the people into its own hands. A chain of forts was established along the Blue Mountains, reaching from the Susquehanna to the Delaware, at distances of from ten to fifteen miles apart, depending upon the comparative situation of the promi- nent Gaps, which gateways were invariably occupied. Some- times the chain of defenses ran on the south side of the range, then again on the north side, and frequently both sides of the mountains were occupied, as the needs of the population demanded. Some of these forts consisted of the defenses pre- viously erected by the settlers, which were available for the purpose, and of which the government took possession, whilst others were newly erected. Almost without exception they were composed of a stockade of heavy planks, inclosing a space of ground more or less extensive, on which were built from one to four blockhouses, pierced with loop holes for musketry, and occupied as quarters by the soldiers and refugee settlers. In addition to these regular forts it became necessary at var- ious points, where depredations were most frequent, to have subsidiary places of defense and refuge, which were also garrisoned by soldiers and which generally comprised farm houses, selected because of their superior strength and con- venient location, around which the usual stockade was thrown, or occasionally block houses erected for the purpose. The soldiers who garrisoned these forts were Provincial troops, which almost without exception were details from the First

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 5

Battalion of the Pennsylvania Regiment, under the com- mand of that brave and energetic officer, Lt. Colonel Conrad Weiser.

When, by 1758, the fury of the first Indian outbreak had somewhat spent its force, and the terrors of Pontiac's war, which broke out in 1763, belonged as yet to the unseen future, the Government deemed it wise to abandon all but the larger and most important of the stations in the chain of defense, thereby materially reducing their number.

It is with these Indian forts of the Blue Mountains I have to do, of which, in this year of our Lord, 1894^ but the slightest traces remain of a couple only, and of which the true location of many others had become a matter of mere conjecture, and, in the briefest time, would have been entirely lost to history, by so slender a thread did an authentic knowledge of their situation hang, had it not been for the wise appointment of the Commission whose labors have just been completed. It is therefore a source of much gratification to me to be able to report that I have ascertained, after much personal search and labor, the exact spot where stood each of the many de- fenses in the territory allotted to me. I beg to subjoin a map on which is correctly located every fort, and will proceed with a detailed and separate report of each one, beginning at the Susquehanna River and following the mountains to the Dela- ware.

FORT HARRIS.

About the year 1705, John Harris^ Sr., built his log house on the bank of the Susquehanna where now stands Harris- burg, the Capital City of the Commonwealth. This building became, later. Fort Harris. He was more especially a trader but also engaged extensively in agriculture. It is said of him that "he was the first person who introduced the plough on the Susquehanna," and, moveover, that "he was as honest a man as ever broke bread" (H. Napey's Harrisburg Directory- Intro.,). There still remains, in the inclosure near the mag-

6 THE INDIAN FORTS

niflcent bridge of the Cumberland Valley Kailroad opposite Mulberry street, a portion of the stump of the old mulberry tree, which stood near his house and to which he was bound by a party of drunken Indians to whom he had refused more rum, with the intention of burning him to death. From this death he was only saved after a struggle by another party of Indians, from across the river^ who were more friendly dis- posed. When he died in 1748 his remains were interred, at his own request, beneath the shadow of this memorable tree. He was succeeded by his son, bearing the same name, John Harris, who was born in the old house in 1726, and was a most energetic and influential man. It was he who founded the city of Harrisburg, upon the site of what, for three quar- ters of a century, was known as Harris' Ferry.

After Braddock's defeat, the earliest onset of the savages was naturally felt along the Susquehanna. Mr. Harris was amongst the first to take up arms and otherwise arrange for defense, in which he became a leader. On October 28, 1755, he writes to the Governor detailing the massacre at Penn's Creek, on the West branch of the Susquehanna, together with the attack on the party which he led, whilst returning from that neighborhood, whither he had gone to protect the settlers (Col. Rec, vi, p. 654). On October 29, 1755, he writes to Edward Shippen, esq'r, of Lancaster, as follows:

''We expect the enemy upon us every day, and the inhabi-' tants is abandoning their plantations, being greatly discour- aged at the approach of such a number of cruel savages, and no sign of assistance. The Indians is cutting us off every day and I had a certain account of about 1,500 Indians beside French being on their march against us and Virginia, and now close on our borders, their scouts scalping our families on our frontiers daily. Andrew Montour and others at Shamokin desired me to take care, that there was forty Indians out many days, and intended to burn my house and destroy my- self and family. I have this day cut holes in my house, and is determined to hold out to the last extremity if I can get some men to stand by me, few of which I yet can at present, every one being in fear of their own families being cut off every hour (such is our situation)" ****** (Col. Rec, vi, p. 655.)

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 7

Besides providing port holes for musketry, Mr. Harris erected a substantial stockade around his home and otherwise made an actual fort of it. Edw'd Shippen in his letter of April 19, 1756, to Governor Morris, says * * * * "John Harris has built an excellent stockade round his house which is ye only place of security that way for the provisions of ye army, he having much good cellar room, and as he has but six or seven men to guard it, if the Government would order six more men there to strengthen it, it would in my opinion be of great use to the cause, even were no provisions to be stored there at all; tho' there is no room for any scarce in Captain McKee's Fort * * * * * * I speak with submission, but this stockade of Harris' ought by all means to be supported, for if for want of this small addition of men above mentioned, the Indians should destroy it, the conse- quence would be that most of ye inhabitants within twenty miles of his house would immediately leave their plantations,, the enemey can come over the hills at five miles distance from McKee's Fort." * * * * (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 635). Mr. Harris writes to R. Peters, under date of Novem'r 5th, 1756, "Here is at my Fort Two Prisoners y't came from Shamokin ab't one month ago. Be pleased to inform his Honor, Our Governor that Directions may be given, how they are to be disposed of, they have been this long time confined. I hope that his Honor will be Pleased to Continue some men here During these Calamitous times on Our Frontiers, as this place and the Conveniences here may be of Servis if Defended" * * * (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 33).

The following extract from the Journal of James Burd, in 1758, shows the presence of troops here at that time:

Thursday, 16th February, 1758. This Morning Sett out from Lancaster to Visit the Troops from Susquehanna to Delaware, took Capt'n Hambright along with me. *****

18th, Saturday. Obliged to leave Capt'n hambright here (sick at Barny Hughes's) I sett off this morning at 9 A. M.^ for Hunter's Fort at 2 P. M., arrived at Harris's, found Lieut'ns Broadhead &

8 THE INDIAN FORTS

Paterson & Commissary Galbraith here, & 20 men" * * * * * * (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 352). And on June 11, 1756, Colonel Clapham writes that he has detached Serjeant Mc- Curdy, with twelve men to remain in garrison at Harris's and receive and stow carefully whatever provisions and stores which may arrive. (Penn. Arch., ii^ p. 663).

There then remains no doubt that the long house, erected about 1705, by John Harris, Sr., and later occupied by his son John Harris, was the Fort Harris at Harris' Ferry, now Har- risburg, as the large stone house constructed by Mr. Harris on Front street below Mulberry, was not built until 1766-69. What then was its appearance and where did it stand? For- tunately^ we have a representation of the building, taken from the original in the possession of General Simon Cameron, shown in the ^'History of Dauphin and Lebanon Counties" by Dr. W. H. Egle, p. 293, from which I have reproduced the following sketch:

It was the typical log cabin of the early settler, with its hugh chimneys, although somewhat more pretentious in size. "it stood on the lower bank of the river, about one hundred and fifty to two hundred feet below the spot where now re- pose his remains. The foundation walls of this house have been seen by some of our oldest citizens (about 1820 the cellar was visible — Penna. Hist. Collections — Sherman Day, p. 283). A well, dug by Mr. Harris, still exists about one hun- dred feet east of his gra^e. It was covered over about thirty years ago (1850) but its site is easily distinguished by a small circular mound of earth. In connection with his mansion-house he erected a large range of sheds, which were sometimes literally filled with skins and furs, obtained by him in trafi&c with the Indians, or stored there by Indian traders, who brought them from the western country." (History of Dau- phin and Lebanon Counties, Dr. W. H. Egle, p. 292).

The exact location of Fort Harris admits of no doubt, if indeed it ever did. It would seem a matter of prime import- ance that its position and history should be perpetuated by a monument.

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OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS

FORT HUNTER.

Six miles north of Fort Harris, or Harrisburg, at the junc- tion of Fishing Creek and the Susquehanna river surrounded by beautiful scenery, stood Fort Hunter, the next in the chain of defenses. It was about two and one-half miles below the present romantic village of Dauphin, and about one-half mile above that of Rockville.

Whilst its distance from Fort Harris was but six miles, not more than half as far as were from each other the remaining defenses planned by the Government, yet its very important situation "where the Blue hills cross the Susquehanna" gave it command of the passage around the same into the settled districts, and made it an admirable place of rendezvous for the batteaux which carried supplies up the river to Shamokin and Fort Augusta. It was this which, on several occasions, prevented its proposed abandonment, and insured its continu- ance when so many other forts were dismantled.

Exactly when built and by whom is not on record. It is very probable^ however, that the defenses were originated by the settlers about October or November, 1755, at the time when the Indians made their first raid and committed the murders at Penn's Creek, and were afterwards completed by the Gov- ernment troops when taking charge of them in January, 1756.

The derivation of its name is somewhat interesting and has a slight touch of romance about it. The first person to avail himself of this beautiful location was Benjamin Chambers, in 1720, the senior of four brothers, sturdy Presbyterians from the north of Ireland, himself a man of remarkable de- termination. Being, later on, joined by his brothers, we find that in 1735-6, the brothers Chambers^ save Thomas, removed to the Cumberland Valley. A son-in-law of Thomas subse- quently fell heir to the mill, and from henceforth it went by his name, and thus the Fort at Hunter's Mill — or Fort Hunter.

The first orders, on record, relating to Fort Hunter, were issued January 10, 1756, by Governor Morris to Adam Read, of Hanover township, Lancaster county, and were as follows;

10 THE INDIAN FORTS

Orders to Adam Read, Esq,, 1756.

Carlisle, January 10, 1756.

''The Commissioner thinking that the Company of fifty men under your Command are sufficient to guard the frontier along the Kittektiny Hills, from your own house to Hunter's Mill, Have refused for the present to take any other men in that quar- ter into the pay of the Government, and requested me to Order, and I do hereby accordingly Order you to detach twenty-five of the men now at your House, to the fort at Hunter's Mill, upon Susquehanna, under the command of your Lieutenant or Officer next under yourself, or in case there be none such appointed by the government, then under the command of such person as you shall appoint for that Service; and you are to give orders to the Commander of such detachm't to keep his men in order and fit for duty^ and to cause a party of them, from time to time, to range the woods along and near the mountains toward your House; and you are in like manner to keep the men with you in good order, and to cause a party of them, from time to time, to range the woods on or near the mountains towards Hunter's Mill ; and you and they are to Continue upon this Service till further order.

You are to add ten men to your Company out of the town- ship of Paxton, and to make the Detachment to Hunter's Mill of twenty more men, which with those ten, are to complete 30 for that service, and Keep an acc't of the time when these ten enter themselves, that you may be enabled to make up your muster roll upon oath." (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 545).

Hardly had this detachment entered upon its duties when further instructions were sent Mr. Read by Governor Morris, dated Jan'ry 26 1756, from Reading, containing the following :

"I have also appointed Thomas McKee to take post at or near Hunter's Mills, with thirty men ; you are to continue that part of your Company stationed there upon that service till they are relieved by him, when you are to give orders for their being dismissed, and you are to give directions to the officer commanding that detachment to deliver to Cap't McKee such Provincial arms, accoutrim'ts. Blankets, tools and stores as

OP THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 11

he may at any time have received, and to take McKee's re- ceipt for them, which you are also to transmit to me." (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 551).

At the same time the following instructions were sent to Capt'n McKee.

Reading y Jan^y 26, 1756. T. McKee :

You are to receive from the officer now commanding the detachment of Oap't Read's Company at Hunter's Mill, and who you are to relieve such Arms, Accoutrements, Blankets, Tools and Stores, as he may have in his hands belonging to the Province, with which you are to furnish your Company, but if that be not sufficient you are to apply to Cap't Frederick Smith for a further supply out of what he will receive from Cap't Read and Cap't Hedericks. But as the Province is at present in want of Arms and Blankets, if any of the men you shall inlist, will find themselves with those articles, they shall receive half a dollar for the use of their gun, and half a dollar for the use of a Blanket." (Penn. Arch., ii. 553).

In connection with these instructions to Captains Read and McKee was a letter from the Governor, under the same date, January 26, 1756, to James Galbraith^ Esq., a Provincial Com- missioner, which rehearses sundry orders given, amongst them those just quoted, to which he adds, "I have also instructed Cap't. McKee to advise with you whether to finish the fort already begun at Hunter's Mill, or to build a new one, and as to the place where it would be best to erect such new one. I therefore desire you will assist him in those matters, or in anything else that the King's service and the safety of the in- habitants may require." (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 554).

The matter in which the Governor speaks of finishing the "fort already begun" indicates, of course, its incompleteness, and yet the order to Capt. Read, of January 10, 1756, distinctly directs him to "detach twenty-five of the men now at your House, to the fort at Hunter's Mill," so that a defense of some sort undoubtedly existed there prior to that date. We have nothing on record to indicate the fact that the Government made any systematic arrangement for defense in that locality

12 THE INDIAN FORTS

before January, 1756, and can reasonably presume that Capt. Kead's detachment were the first provincial soldiers to occupy Fort Hunter. It can therefore fairly be taken for granted that the settlers themselves began some sort of stockade or defense, which, with equal reason, we can presume was about the time when the first real danger threatened them, in No- vember, 1755, and can easily understand how the soldiers would naturally strengthen and complete what had already been started. I feel, therefore, that we are justified in naming the time about November, 1755, as the date of the' erection of Fort Hunter. This is further borne out by the fact that in the report made by Edward Shippen to Governor Morris, from Lancaster, April 5, 1756, of ammunition distributed, he speci- fies "Dec'r 9, 1755, By Thomas Forster, Esq., & Thos. McKee, at Hunter's Fort^ 12^ lb, powder and 25 lb. swan shot" (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 614) at which time Mr. McKee was probably oc- cupying the position with the neighboring settlers. He was temporarily relieved in January by the detachment of pro- vincial soldiers from Capt. Read's house, and immediately after given a command himself and placed in charge of that district including Fort Hunter.

No stone was left unturned by the French in their efforts to enlist the Indians of the Province, the Delawares, in their cause. Their intrigues, aided by the natural disposition of the savage, too often met with success, as is shown by the following letter from Captain McKee to Edward Shippen:

Foart at Hunters Mill^ Ap'l 5th, 1756. Sir:

I desire to let you No that John Secalemy, Indian^ is Come here ye Day before yesterday, about 4 o'clock in ye afternoon, & Gives me an account that there is a Great Confusion amongst ye Indians up ye North branch of Susquehanna ; the Delawares are a moving all from thence to Ohio, and wants to Persuade ye Shanowes along with them, but they Decline Goe- ing with them that course, and as they still incline to join with us, the Shanowes are Goeing up to a Town Called Teoga, where there is a body of ye Six Nations, and there they Intend to Remain. He has brought two more men, so in women &

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 13

som children along with him, and Sayeth that he Intends to live & Die with us, and Insists upon my Conducting him down to where his Sister and children is, at Canistoga, and I'm Loath to leave my Post, as his Honor was offended at ye last time I did, but can't help it, he Desires to acquaint you that his sister's son was kill'd at Penns Creek, in ye scrimege w'th Cap't. Patterson. This with Due Kespect from

Sir, your Hum'l Ser't,

THOMAS McKEE, (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 616)

In view of the alarming condition of affairs it was deter- mined to select a place for the rendezvous of troops^ and stor- age and forwarding of supplies. From its admirable location, both on land at no great distance from the source of these supplies, and on water by which, in batteaux, they could readily be forwarded and distributed. Fort Hunter was at once named for that purpose, and on April 7, 1756, Governor Morris wrote as follows to Colonel William Clapham, in com- mand of that territory:

Philad% 7th Ap'r., 1756.

Sir:

As a Magazine of Provisions and other warlike stores will very soon be formed at or near Hunter's Mill upon the river Susquehanna, I think it necessary for the Protection thereof, and for other Purposes, to order that you appoint the said place, called Hunter's Mill, or some convenient place near it, for the Gen'l Kandezvous of your regiment now raising, and that you order all the men already enlisted, not employed upon some other service, to march immediately to the said Randezvous, and all your recruiting parties to send their rescruits thither from time to time.

You will order proper guards upon the magazine, and upon the boats & cannoes which shall be collected there pursuant to my orders^ you will give directions that the officers and men keep themselves in good order, and ready to go upon duty at an hour's warning.

You will inform the Commissioners of these my orders, and

14 THE INDIAN FORTS

apply to them for the things necessary to carry them into exe^ cution. (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 616.)

The next day Governor Morris, himself, writes to the Com- missioners giving them a synopsis of the above orders. One of them, Edward Shippen, realizing how well Fort Harris was adapted for storage purposes, does not approve of erecting a multiplicity of stockades all over the country and even doubts the advantage of making a storehouse of Hunter's Mill. He writes from Lancaster, under date of April 19th, 1756^ amongst other things "Hunter's house indeed would answer such a purpose were it Stockado'd; but as it is quite naked, and stands five or six hundred feet from the Fort, the enemy may Surprise it in ye night, and kill the people, and set ye roof on fire in three or four places at once, and if the Centerys Should discern the fire as soon as it begins to blaze, it might be too difficult a task for them to quench it without buckets or pails. (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 635). In the same letter he men- tions the fact that Captain McKee's Plantation is 25 miles above Fort Hunter.

Hunter's Mill was, however a very important place, and needed for other purposes besides that of mere storage, and Colonel Clapham's orders are not countermanded. He writes from Fort Halifax, July 1st, "I shall leave a Sergeant's Party at Harris's, consisting of twelve men. Twenty-four at Hunter's Fort, Twenty-four at McKee's Store, each Under the Com- mand of an Ensign, and Cap'n Miles with Thirty men at Fort Halifax;" (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 686)^ and still further writes August 17th, from Fort Augusta that the garrisons at Fort Halifax, Hunter's and McKee's Store had very little ammuni- tion. (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 751).

On June 11, 1756, Col. Clapham notifies the Governor from his camp at Armstrong's, that he has stationed a party of twenty-four, men under the command of Mr. Johnson, at Hunter's Fort^ with orders to defend that Post and the neigh- borhood, and to escort any provisions, that should come to him, up to McKee's Store. (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 663). The fol- lowing orders to the Commanding Officer at Hunter's Fort are recorded:

"Whither Mr. Johnson or Mr. Mears is ordered to furnish an

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 16

escort of Fifteen men, under command of a Sergeant, to con- duct 4he waggon Master General, Mr. Erwin, to Fort Halifax, there join a Detachment from Captain Jemisons Company, to be Commanded by Lieutenant Anderson, and march to Fort Augusta.

The Commanding officer, at Hunter's Fort, is to take great Care of the Battoes, and not to suffer them to be us'd unless by my particular Orders; he is likewise to weigh the two Cannon which now lie in the water and place them on the Bank, at some convenient Place for Transportation, till further Orders.

Fort Augusta, November 3rd, 1756.

A copy of Orders to the Commander at Hunter's Fort. Indorsed:

Orders to the Commanding officer at Fort Hunter.

Inclosed in Col'el Claphams, of 23d Nov'r, 1756. (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 17).

Novr. 13, 1756, the State of the Garrison was:

Number of men — 2 Sargants, 34 private Men.

Ammunition — 4^ lb. Powder, 28 lb. of Lead.

Provision — one thousand wight Flower, Two thousand of Be^f.

Men's Times Up — 2 Men's Times.

(Penn. Arch., iii, p. 52.)

About this time Kobert Erwin, on his way from Philada. to Fort Augusta, with a draft of horses for the use of that garrison, applied to Mr. Mears, the Commandant of Fort Hunter, for an escort, claiming that such were the instructions of Col. Clapham, but was refused it, Mr. Mears informing him "that he should not pay any Kegard to these Orders of Colonel Clapham or the Governour's, for how coul'd the Gov- ernor give him Command of that Fort and yet Command it himself," whereupon, learning that there was the greatest want of the horses at Fort Augusta, Mr. Erwin felt obliged to pro- ceed without his escort. (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 64).

On March 14th, 1757, Lord Loudoun arrived at Philadelphia, where he remained two weeks, in consultation with Governor Denny. As a result of the conference on the defense of the Province, at which Col. Clapham and Lieut. Colonels Weiser

3

16 THE INDIAN FORTS

and Armstrong were present, amongst other things it was decided that 400 men should be kept at Fort Augusta, and the works there completed; that 100 men should constitute the garrison of Fort Halifax, and that Fort Hunter should be demolished, only 50 men being retained there temporarily until the removal of the Magazine, which was to take place as soon as possible. The long frontier, of the Blue Range, between the Susquehanna and Delaware was to be defended by Col. Weiser's Battalion, and the forts reduced to three in number. (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 119).

This at once caused consternation amongst the settlers in its neighborhood and brought forth from them an earnest appeal to the Government, mention of which is made in the Minutes of the Council held at Philadelphia, Thursday, August 25th, 1757, as follows :

"A Petition from the Inhabitants of the Township of Paxtang was read, setting forth that the evacuating Fort Hunter is a great Discouragement to that Township ; that Fort Halifax is not necessary to secure the Communication with Fort Augusta, and is not so proper a Station for the Battoe Parties as Fort Hunter, and praying the Governor Avould please to fix a sufficient number of men at Hunter's under the Command of an active ofificer, with strict orders to range the Frontiers daily."

^'Commissary Young attended, and informed the Governor and Council that Fort Halifax was built by Col. Clapham, without the Order of Governor Morris; that it is a very bad Situation, being built beyond Two Ranges of Hills, and no body living near it, none could be protected by it; that it is no Station for Battoe parties, having no Command of the Channel, which runs close on the Western Shore, and is be- sides covered with a large Island between the Channel and Fort, so that numbers of the Eenemy may even in the day time, run down the River without being seen by that Garrison. He further said that tho' the Fort, or Block-house, at Hunter's was not tenable, being hastily erected, and not finished, yet the Situation was the best upon the River for every Service, as well as for the Protection of the Frontiers." (Col. Records, vol. ii, p. 724).

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 17

\ Fearing tMs appeal might fail for lack of a little influence, the Kev'd John Elder, of Paxton, adds a personal entreaty in a letter to Eichard Peters, Esq., of Phila., secretary of the Council, dated July 30, 1757, thus:

Sir:^

As we of this Township have Petition'd the Gov'r for a re- moval of the Garrison from Halifax to Hunter's, I beg the favour of you to use your interest with his Hon'r on our be- half. The Defense of Halifax is of no advantage, but a Gar- rison at Hunter's, under the Gomniand of an active Officer, will be of great Service; it will render the carriage of Pro- visions & Ammunition for the use of Augusta more easy & less expensive, and by encouraging the Inhabitants to con- tinue in their Places, will i^revent the weakening of the fron- tier Settlements; we have only hinted at these things in the Petition, which you'll please enlarge on in Conversation with the Gov'r & urge in Such a manner as you think proper. It's well known that Eepresentation from the back Inhabitants have but little weight with the Gentlem'n in Power, they look- ing on us either as uncapable of forming just notions of things, or as biass'd by Selfish Views; however, I'm Satisfy'd that you Sir, have more favorable conception of us; and that, from the knowledge you have of the Situation of the Places mentioned in our Petition, you'll readily agree with us, & use your best Offices with the Gov'r to prevail with him to grant it ; and you'll very much oblige.

Sir, Y'r most obed't

& hu'l Ser't,

(Penn. Arch., iii, p. 251.) JOHN ELDER.

It is gratifying to know that this letter met with the success it so well deserved. Fort Hunter was not demolished, but, on the contrary, strengthened, and, on Feb'y 5th, 1758, we have a return of Adjutant Kern which gives, under Cap't. Patter- son and L't Allen a garrison of 40 men, having 44 provincial and 3 private muskets, with 15 lbs. of powder and 20 lbs. of lead, (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 340) ; whilst, on Feb. 9, 1758, Jas. Young, Commiss'r of the Musters, reports the force on duty

18 THE INDIAN FORTS

at that point in the pay of the Province, as one company of 54 men, (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 341). James Burd, in his Journal, says, Saturday, Feb'y 18th, 1758, "sett off for Hunter's Fort (from Fort Harris), arrived at dark, found the Cap'ts Patter- son & Davis here with 80 men, the Cap'ts informs me that they have not above 3 loads of Ammunition A man, ordered Mr. Barney Hughes (commissary of supplies) to send up here a Barrel of powder & lead, answerable in the mean time, bor- rowed of Thomas Galloher 40 pound of poudder & 100 pound of lead ; Ordered a Review of the Garrison to-morrow morning at 9 A. M.

19th, Sunday.

Had a Eeview this morning of Capt'n Patterson's Co. and found them Compleat, 53 men, 44 Province arms, & 44 Car- touch boxes, no powder, nor lead, divided J pint of poudder & lead in Proportion a man, found in this Fort 4 months Pro- vision for the Garrison.

Capt'n Davis with his party of 55 men was out of Ammu- nition, divided J pint of poudder & lead in proportion to them. Capt'n Davis has gott 12 Thousand weight of flour for the Battoes, Sundry of the Battoes are leeky, that they can't swim and must be left behind.

Capt'n Patterson can't Scout at present for want of officers. Ordered him to apply to the Country to Assist him to Stock- ade the Fort aggreable to their promise to His Hon'r the Gov- ernor. 3 men sick here.

This day at 11 A. M. march'd for Fort Swettarrow, got to Crawfort's, 14 miles from Hunter's, here I stay all night, it rain'd hard.'' (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 352).

Nothwithstanding its apparent necessity, the work of com- pleting the Stockade seems to have gone slowly as we notice by the following letter to Gov. Denny :

Fort Himter, ye 22d July, 1758. Please your honour:

Whereas, I have the honour to bear a Commission in your Regiment, I was left in the Garrison of Fort Hunter, and re- ceived Orders from Gen'l Forbes to repair it, and sent an En-

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 19

gineer to inspect into the condition, who found necessary to Stockade it, for which purpose I was to get the Country- People; and accordingly apply'd to the several Justices of the Peace for the Townships of Paxton and Donegal, which latter I never had any answer from, but was informed by Parson Elder, of Paxton, whose word is the same w'th that of the Justices, as they act in conjunction in such affairs, that till harvest be over the Country People can do nothing; there- fore thought propper to acquaint you of this, as a duty in- cumbent, also that I am relieved, and that should the work of the fort be Pospon'd till harvest be over, 'twill be yet three weeks before they begin.

I am, your Honours

most obed't & most hum'le Ser't,

G. PKICE. P. S. — The stockades are cut. (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 488.)

In spite of the constant vigilance of the soldiers, depreda- tions were committed by the savages almost within the shadow of the fort, as is shown by the following,

Extract of a Letter from Mr. Bertram Galbraith at Hunter's Fort, dated Octob'r, 1757:

^^Notwithstanding the happy Situation we thought this place was in on Captain Bussee's being stationed here, we have had a man killed & scalped this Evening, within twenty rods of Hunter's Barn. We all turned out, but night coming on so soon we could make no pursuit. We have advice from Fort Henry by Express to Cap't. Bussee that the Indians are seen large Bodies, 60 together." (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 277).

This is confirmed by the following report of Capt. Christian Busse to Governor Denny :

Hunter's Fort, the 3d Octoler, 1757. May it Ple_ase Your Honour :

In my Coming Back from Kainging allong the Fruntears on Saturday the first Instant, I Heard that the Day Before, Twelve Indians ware seen not fare off from hear, as it was Leat, and not knowing their Further Strength, I thought To Go at

20 THE INDIAN FORTS

Day Braek nixt morning, with as many Soldiers and Battowe- men as I could get. But In a Short Time we Heard A Gun fire off, and Eunning Deirectly To the Spot, found the Dead Boddey of one William Martin, who went into the woods To pick up Chestnuts where the Indians was lying in ambush. I ordered all the men to Run into the woods, and we Rainged till it Grew Quite Dark; the Continual Rain that Has Been Sins, Has Hindered my following them; there was a Number of the inhabitants Came Here to assist in following them, but the wether prevented. There ware onley 3 Indians onley Seen By Some people, Who Ware siting Before the Dore of Mister Hunter, and they say, that all Was Don In Less than four minutes; that same night, I warned the Inhabitants to Be upon their Guards, and in the morning, I Rainged on this side the mounton the Nixt Day. But my men Being few in Num- ber, By Rason of their Being fourteen of them sick, I Could Not Be Long from the Garrison ; and it seems yet probable To me, that there is Great Numbers of the Enimy Indians on this River. The Townships of Paxton and Derry, Have Agreed to keep a Guard for Some Time in the frunteer Houses, from Manaday to Susquahannah, and Expects that your Honour will be pleased to Reinforse this Detachment. If thease ToAvn ships should Break up, the Communication Between Port Augusta and the Inhabitants would Be Great- ley Endaingred.

I am, with Greatest Respect,

Your Honours, Most Obedient Humble Servant,

CHRISTIAN BUSSE.

Directed: To the Honourable William Deney, Esq'r, Governour and Commander In Chief of the Provance of Pennsylvania.

(Penn. Arch., iii, p. 279.)

Captain James Patterson, who was later in Command at Fort Hunter, sent, on Jany 10, 1758, to Gov'r Denny, the fol- lowing interesting Extracts from his Journal of duties per- formed at that place from Deer. 5, 1757, to date :

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 21

Fort Hunter, Jan'ry ye 10th, 1758. "I took with 19 men & ranged from this Fort as far as Kobinson's Fort, where I lodged, keeping a guard of six men & one Corporal on Gentry that night. The sixth day I marched towards Hunter's Fort, ranging along the mountain foot very diligently till I came to the Fort that evening, my men being so afflicted with sickness I could not send out till the eighth day, Lieu't Allen, with 14 men, went to Eange for three days. On the 12th day Lieu't Allen, with Eighteen men & one Ser- jeant ranged along the mountain about 14 miles from this Fort, where he met Cap't. Lien't Weiser with his party & re- turned back towards this Fort the next day & came to it that night. The fifteenth, Lieu't Allen, with 18 men, kept along the Frontier til the 25th & came to this Fort that night. Hearing of Indians harbouring about Juniatta, on the 28th of Decem- ber, I took 15 men with me up the Creek, and about 14 miles from the mouth of it I found fresh tracks of Indians on both sides of the Creek & followed the tracks about four miles up the said Creek, where I lost the tracks. But I still kept up the Creek 'till I gott up about twenty-five miles from the mouth of said Creek, where I encamped that night. The In- dians I found were round me all the night, for my Dogg made several attacks towards the Woods as if he saw the Enemy and still run Back to the Centry. On the 3d of January I returned down the Creek in some Canoes that I found on said Creek, and when I came about nine miles down I espied about 20 Indians on the opposite side of the Creek to where I was. They seemed to gett themselves in order to fire upon the men that were in Canoes. I immediately ordered them all out but two men that let the Canoes float close under the shore, and kept the Land in readiness to fire upon the Enemy, as soon as they moved out of the place where they lay in Ambush, but I could see no more of them. On the 5th day of January, I came to this Fort. On the sixth day I sent a Serjeant & Corppral with 15 men along the Frontiers of Paxton and Mannadys, about fourteen miles from this Fort, and on the seventh day they returned back to said Fort. On their march one of the Soldiers espied two Indians Just by one of the Frontier plan- tations; the Soldiers gave the Serjeant notice and the Serjeant

22 THE INDIAN FORTS

kept on his course, as if he had not know anthing of the In- dians, till he gott some Bushes between the party & the In- dians and then gott round the place where the Indians were seen, but they happening to see the party run off, when our party came to the place they saw the Tracks of the Indians plain where they run off. As I am recruiting to fill up my Comply again, and my recruits are not all qualfied as yet, it is not in my power to send y'r Hon'r a Roll of my Comply, but expect in a few days to be in Capacity of doing it. As I am insensible there are Enemy Indians upon the Coast, I thought it fitting to send y'r Hon'r this Journal, & remain,

Y'r Honour's Most obedient humble Servant, (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 332.) JAMES PATTERSON,

Truly the days of the Provincial Soldier of the French and Indians Wars were not passed in luxury and ease nor his nights upon a bed of roses. However, with the success of the British arms and consequent discomfiture of the French, the scene of action was shifted during 1758, and the garrison of Fort Hunter had a rest until 1763, when Pontiac and his fol- lowers burst like a storm upon our western frontiers and again deluged its fair fields with blood. Hunter's Mill was once more selected as a place of rendezvous for men and stores, and, in June, 1763, we find Joseph Shippen, Jr., Gov- ernor Hamilton's Secretary, there in person, giving attention to the recruiting of soldiers, collecting of batteaux, and gather- ing of stores to be sent up the river to Fort Augusta. (Penn. Arch., iv, p. 111). A list of ten canoes hired from sundry parties at a cost of £5-10 is given, (Penn. Arch., iv, p. 112). The danger was imminent and it was determined to recruit seven hundred men for the defence of the frontier. Full in- structions to that effect are given, July 11th, to Col. Arm- strong. (Penn. Arch., iv, p. 114). As the stores went forward to Fort Augusta they were accompanied by small detach- ments of soldiers as guards, to whom full and implicit orders were given to guard against surprise. (Penn. Arch., iv, p. 113).

Fortunately the strife though bloody was short, and, with

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 23

its close, the Angel of Peace took the place alike of warlike man and merciless savage. Fort Hunter remained such in name only until its last log had disappeared and now its mem- ory alone exists. When the Due de la Kochefoucauld-Lian- court, a French traveller, passed up the Susquehanna in 1796, he stopped at three settlements only, the first of which was Fort Hunter. It had then passed into the hands of Mr. Mc- Allister. He says, in substance, ''McAllister owns about 300 acres — about 120 cultivated. Price of lands near to him is |8 for woodland ; |50 for cleared. The houses, all of wood ex- cept the inn, stand on the Susquehanna and in the precincts of Fort Hunter, erected many years ago." (Penn. Hist. Col- lections, Sherman Day, p. 281).

Mr. E. McAllister, of Harrisburg, has written the following interesting statement : —

"The site of Fort Hunter is situated exactly six miles above Harrisburg on the Susquehanna river, at its junction with Fishing Creek. There are no remains of this fort, as upon its ancient foundations there is a very large storehouse, built by my grandfather Archibald McAllister, in 1814, and now owned by my father, Captain John C. McAllister. The situation of this house is very commanding, about 80 feet above the river Susquehanna and the surrounding scenery is of the most ro- mantic character.

"During the Kevolutionary War and the early periods of our history, a block-house or fort occupied the site upon which now stands my father's large stone residence. This fort was called the 'English Fort Hunter.' About a mile above this point, where the river has evidently forced its way through a mountain pass, and where the river is narrow, deep and swift, immediately below the romantic village of Dauphin, where immense rocks (not yet worn away by the hand of time or the friction of the water) jut out of the water, at this point, at the very base of the Kittattiny Mountains, the river is called 'Hunter's Falls.'

"In distinction from the 'English Fort Hunter,' there was another fort about one mile below this on the summit of the second mountain, a very high peak, entirely commanding the Susquehanna river, overlooking Harrisburg, and called the

24 ' THE INDIAN FORTS

'Indian Fort Hunter.' At this point tradition informs us that the Indians had some sort of an erection from which they would occasionally emerge, and after committing great dep- redations they would again retire to their stronghold, which was the terror of the country. To keep these Indians in check I have always understood that the English Fort was built. Tradition still delights to recount many fierce conflicts occur- ing between the inhabitants of these forts. Of the Indian Fort Hunter, which as a boy, I have frequently visited, there are yet distinct remains (1856). There is still to be seen a circular excavation of about four feet in depth and thirty feet in diameter. In this can yet be found heads of Indian arrows and other evidences of its former use." (Penn. Arch., xii, p. 378).

The property built on the site of the Fort is now owned by the Estate of Daniel Boas, and occupied by John W. Keily.

I give a sketch showing in detail the location of Fort Hun- ter and its various surroundings.

All evidence and concurrent testimony locate the fort as shown, on a narrow elevation of gravel and boulders, about 40 feet high, at the mouth of the Fishing Creek where it empties into the Susquehanna Elver. It is also on the Harris- burg and Daui)hin Pike, about one-half mile north of the rail- road bridge at Kockville. The Susquehanna Eiver is here about seven-eighths mile wide, and the space, of about 150 feet, between the pike and the river, which constitutes the grounds of the present substantial stone house built on the site of the fort, is very beautiful. The Pennsylvania Canal, Northern Central, and Schuylkill and Susquehanna Eailroads, all close together, pass by, to the west, distant about 600 yards. In the rear of the barn, now standing on the opposite side of the pike from the Fort, were formerly erected barracks for the better accommodation of the soldiers forming the garrison, and recruits gathered for other points. A house and barn occupy the site of Hunter's house and barn, as shown. Hunter's Mill proper, was located where now stands the mill owned by iVbr. Eeam, which is built on its site, distant about 500 yards west of the fort. This will explain the various remarks made with regard to the unprotected nature of

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 25

Hunter's Mill, when it was suggested that it. should be used for a storehouse. We can readily see, also, how the command- ing position of Fort Hunter, on the spot where actually built, made it most important, whilst its location, at the Mill proper would have had the opposite effect, even if better protection had been afforded, thereby, to said building. A little over one mile in a southeasterly direction from the Fort is the base of a prominent peak of the Blue Mountains on which, for a number of yearsj was displayed a flag marking the position of the so-called ''Indian Fort Hunter," of which Mr. McAllister speaks. It is to be regretted that this misleading term has come into such general use. It was contrary to the custom and nature of the Indian to erect any defense which might properly be called a ''Fort." Especially in the French and Indian wars, so far as they relate to this vicinity, the savages never attempted to gather together at any one place, as head- quarters, and fortify the same; least of all did they do so near Fort Hunter. We have seen from the records, that the marauding parties of the enemy were not of that immediate neighborhood, but, as at every other place, they consisted of small parties, from great& or less distances, bent solely on murder and plunder. I have learned nothing about the cir- cular excavation of which Mr. McAllister writes, but have as- certained that there are still to be seen places in the rocks which have been hollowed out, of a smaller size, where, prob- ably the women were accustomed to grind their corn. The place evidently marks the site of an Indian village, existing prior to the French and Indian wars. The large excavation mentioned may have been a natural hollow, or, if made by the aborigines, could have been used for many different pur- poses.

Fort Hunter, it is true, was merely a block-house surrounded by a stockade, not so pretentious, perhaps, in size or appearance as some of its neighbors, but, after, reviewing its history, we can hardly fail to realize its great importance and the prom- inent part it played in the history of the times. It would certainly be a source of regret were its location not to be per- petuated by a monument of some sort.

26 THE INDIAN FORTS

MANADA FOET.

The passage through the Blue Mountains, called Manada Gap, is distant from Fort Hunter about twelve miles. Be- cause of this fact, and the necessity for guarding such a prominent gateway to the populous district below, the Gov- ernment occupied said locality as its next station, in accord- ance with its general plan of defense. In the few descrip- tions 'given of this position more or less confusion exists. Fortunately, by extensive personal research, I have been able to solve the problem. To understand it more thoroughly it will be well, first, to glance at such records of the place as exist.

Immediately after the outbreak of the savages along the Susquehanna, during the Fall of 1755, they began to threaten the settlements further east. We accordingly find the in- structions issued to Adam Bead, under date of January 10th, 1756, of which mention has already been made, to detach twenty-five men from the Compaq at his house and send them to Hunter's Mill, so that they might range the moun- tains between that place and his residence. With the rest of his command, which remained at his house, he, in turn, was likewise to range the mountains towards Fort Hunter. (Penn. Arch, ii, p. 545.) These in.structions were soon followed by the notification, Jan. 26th, to Mr. Bead that "Capt. Frederick Smith having been appointed to take post with an Indepen- dent Company at the Gap where Swehatara passes the Moun- tains, and to station a detachment of his Company at Mona- day," there would no longer be any necessity for him to guard that frontier and that accordingly he was relieved from said duty. (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 551.) In connection with these in- structions to Mr. Bead, and of the same date, were the orders sent to Capt. Smith, viz :

Sir: — "Having appointed you Cap'n of a Company of foot to be paid and supplied, I think it necessary to give you the following orders and Instructions, according to the following Establishm't, viz: for your better government in the Execu- tion of the trust reposed in you. *****♦*♦

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You are to leave at Swehatara a part of your Company, suffi- cient to maintain that post under one of your officers, and with the remainder of your Company you are to Proceed to the gap where the river Monaday passes the Mountains, and Either take possession and strengthen the Stuccado already erected there, or erect a new one as you shall Judge best, and then you are to Eeturn to the fort at Swehatara, which you are to make your headquarters, leaving twenty men under the Command of a Commissioned Officer at the fort at Mona- day, and relieving them from time to time, in part or in whole as you shall think proper.

You are to Communicate these Instructions to your Officers, that are stationed at the fort at Monaday, and if you Judge it necessary you may give them coppys for their better gov- ernment.

As you are unacquainted with the situation of the country, on the northern frontier of the county of Lancaster (now Lebanon), where you are to take post, I have Directed James Gelbreth, Esq'r, to furnish you with all the information in his Power, and to afford you his advice and assistance, not only in the Choice of ground proper to erect the forts upon, but as to any other matters that may relate to the service you are upon, and you will apply to him for such assistance from time to time as you stand in need of it.

You are to receive of Cap't. Bead & Cap't. Hedericks, such arms, accoutriments. Blankets and stores, as belong to the Province of which you are to return an exact account to me, and take care of such as shall remain in your Hands, and Having ordered Cap't. Thomas McKee to raise a company of Thirty men, and to take post and to scour the country between Sasquahana & Monaday, you are upon his application to sup- ply him with such of the s'd arms, accoutriments, tools. Blankets and stores as you can spare from your own Company, taking his receipt for the same, and inform me of what you supply him with." (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 552-553.)

In conjunction with these orders to Capt. Smith, the Gov- ernor wrote as follows to James Galbraith, the Commissary:

"I have ordered Capt. Smith, with a Company from Chester County, to take post at the Gap at Swehatara, and to station

28 THE INDIAN FORTS

a detachment of his men at Monaday, either in the Stockades already built there, or to erect such others as he may Judge best; but as he is a stranger to that part of the country, I must desire you will assist him with your advice, not only as to the most advantageous situations for the forts, in case it should be resolved to erect new ones, but in anything else that the service may require, and let me know from time to time what is done in that quarter." (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 554.)

These records indicate that a stockade had already been erected, or commenced, prior to 1756. Like Fort Hunter it is probable that it was built by the settlers, during the latter part of 1755, for mutual protection, and later, in January, 1756, occupied by the soldiers. Whilst the instructions of the Governor gave license to erect a new fort, if deemed advisable, yet it is most likely Capt. Smith, the commanding officer, ac- cepted the already completed work of the settlers, placed ac- cording to their good judgment. Amongst the comparatively few papers which give an account of Manada Fort there is nothing stated to the contrary, and my personal investiga- tions tend to prove the same fact.

On July 11th, 1756, Col. Conrad Weiser gives Gov. Morris a statement of his disposition of the troops, wherein '^nine men are to stay constantly in Manity Fort, and Six men to range Eastward from Manity towards Swataro, and Six men to range Westward towards Susquehannah. Each Party so farr that they may reach their Fort again before Night." (Penn Arch., ii, p. 696.)

Notwithstanding these apparently active preparations and the faithful scouting doubtless done by the soldiers, yet the Indians were not to be thwarted in their murderous work, and, before long, some of their own number were to fall vic- tims to the unfailing vigilance of the savage, owing, it must be admitted, to a temporary relaxation of their own watchful- ness. In a letter of August 7th, 1756, to Edward Shippen this interesting and unfortunate event is related by Adam Head, as follows :

Sir: ^'Yesterday Jacob Elles a Soldier of Cap't Smith's at Brown's forth, a Liver before, 2J Milles over ye first Moun- tain just within the gape at s'd forth, having some wheat grow-

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 2d

ing at Ms place preveVd with Ms officer for some of ye men to help him cut a Little of ye same, accordingly 10 of them went, set guards Bound & fell to work, about 10 of ye Clock, they had reaped down & went to ye head to Begin again, and before they had all well Begon, 3 Indians Crep't to ye fence just at their Back, & all 3 at one penal of the fence fired upon them, killed their Corprall dead and another that was stand- ing with his gun in one hand & a Botle in ye other was wounded, his left arm is Brock in 2 places so that his gun fell, he Being a little more down the field, the field Being about 15 or 16 poll in length, them that Keape'd had their arms about half way down at a large tree as soon as ye Indians found they did not load their guns but leap'd over ye fence into the middle of them & one of them left his gun Behind him without ye fence, they all run thorow one another & thorow one an- other, ye Indians making a tarable Holo, and looked liker ye devel than an Indian, the Soulders fled to their Arms & as 3 of them stood Behind ye tree with their Arms ye Indian that came in wanting his gun, came within a few yards of them & took up the wounded Solder's gun & would ahave killed another had not one that pursued him fired at him, so that he dropped ye gun, the Indian fled, and in going off, 2 Soldiars stood about a Kod apart, a Indian run thorow Betwixt them, they both fired at him, yet he went off Cleer, when they were over ye fence a Soldier fired at one of them upon which he stooped a little and so went all 3 off, a litle after they left ye field they fired one gun and gave a hollo, the Solder hid the one that was killed, went home to the forth found James Brown that lives in ye forth one of their Solders a Missing, the Lieutinant went out with more men and Brought in the dead man but still Brown was missing. I herd shooting that night, I went up next morning with some hands, Captain Smith had sent up more men from the other fort, went out next morning & against I got there word had come in from them they had found James Brown Killed and Scalped. I went over with them to bring him home, he was killed with the last shot about 20 poll from the field of Battle, his gun, his showes & jacket carried off, the soulders that found him told me that they track'd the 3 Indians to the Second Moun-

30 THE INDIAN FORTS

tan & they found one of the Indians guns a little from Browns Corps Brock to in pieces as she had been good for little, they showed me where ye Indians fired thorow ye fence & it was full Elevan yards to where the man lay dead ; ye Kising ground above ye feild was clear of standing timber & the grubes low, so that they kept a Bad look out. The above acc't you may depend upon me, we have almost lost all Hopes of anything but to move off and loose our cropes we have Keap'd with so much defickulty." (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 738).

On the same subject and about the same time Commissary James Galbraith wrote, August 10, from Derry, to Governor Hamilton, as follows :

"Honored Sir, There is nothing heare allmost Evry day but murder Commited by the Indians in som part or oather ; about five mills above me, at Monaday Gape, there was two of the provance solders kild, one wounded; there wase but three Indians, and they came in amongst ten of our men and com- mitted the murder, and went off safe; the name or sight of an Indian maks allmost all mankind in these parts to trimble, there Barbarity is so Cruel where they are masters, for by all appearances the Devall Commitans, God permits, and the French pays, and by this the Back parts, by all apparance, will be Laid west by flight, with what is gon and agoing, more Espesaly Cumberland County.-' (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 740).

How many more unfortunates in this neighborhood fell victims to the merciless tomahawk, which was fast laying waste all the frontier settlements, as Mr. Galbraith said, is not stated, but in October, 1756, Adam Read sends another letter to Mr. Shippen, &ca, pleading for assistance, which was duly laid before the Provincial Council and appears on its minutes as follows :

"Friends and Fellow Subjects:

I send you, in a few lines, the maloncholly condition of the Frontiers of this County ; last Tuesday the 12 of this Instant, ten Indians came on Noah Frederick plowing in his Field, killed and scalped him and carried away three of his children that was with him, the Eldest but Nine Years old, plundered his House, and carried away everything that suited their pur-

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 31

pose, such, as Oloaths, Bread, Butter, a Saddle and good Riffle Gun &ca, it being but two short Miles from Captain Smith's Fort, at Swatawro Gap, and a little better than two from my House.

Last Saturday Evening an Indian came to the House of Philip Eobeson, carrying a Green Bush before him, said Robe- son's Son being on the Corner of his Fort watching others that was dressing flesh by him, the Indian perceiving that he was observed fled; the watchman fired but missed him; this being three quarters of a mile from Manady Fort ; and Yester- day Morning, two Miles from Smith's Fort, at Swatawro, in Bethel Township, as Jacob Fornwal was going from the house of Jacob Meyler to his own, was fired upon by two Indians and wounded, but escaped with his life, and a little after, in the said Township, as Frederick Henley and Peter Stample was carrying away their Goods in waggons was met by a parcel of Indians and all Killed, five lying Dead in one place and one Man at a little distance, but what more is done is riot come to my Hand as yet, but that the Indians was continuing their Murders. The Frontiers is employed in nothing but carrying off their Effects, so that some Miles is now waist. We are willing, but not able without help ; You are able if you be willing (that is Including the lower parts of the Country), to give us such assistance as will enable us to redeem our waist Land; You may depend on it that without Assistance we in a few days will be on the wrong side of you, for I am now a Frontier, and I fear that the Morrow Night I will be left some Miles. Gentlemen, consider what you will do, and not be long about it, and let not the World say that we die as fools dyed. Our Hands is not tied, but let us exert our- selves and do something for the Honour of our Country and the preservation of our Fellow Subjects. I hope you will communicate our Grievances to the lower parts of our County, for surely they will send us some help if they understand our Grievances. I wou'd have gone down myself, but dare not, my Family is in such Danger. I expect an Answer by the Bearer, if Possible."

I am, Gentlemen, Your very humble Servant,

ADAM READ,

32 THE INDIAN FORTS

Before sending this away 1 have just rec'd information that there is seven Killed & five Children Scalped a Live, but not the Account of their names."

On reading these Accounts the Governor was advised to lay them and the other Intelligence before the Assembly, and in the Strongest Terms to press them again for a Militia Law, as the only thing that woul'd enable the Country to exert their strength against these cruel savages. (Col. Kec, vii, p. 303).

This was immediately done by the Governor but action on the part of the Quaker Assembly was very slow and the terrible work still went on.

Here practically ends the narrative of recorded events in and about Manada Gap, except the interesting journal of Captain James Patterson, stationed at Fort Hunter, which is dated Dec'r, 1757. His duties kept him ranging along the mountains between that place, Manada and Swatara Gaps, and the journal has already been given under the head of Fort Hunter. In addition to this journal is a diary of James Burd whilst on his tour of inspection to the various forts. At 11.00 A. M., on Sunday, February 19, 1758, he left Fort Hunter on his way to Fort Swatara. He says "got to Crawford's, 14 miles from Hunter's, here I stay all night, it rain'd hard. Had a Number of applications from the Country for Pro- tection, otherwise they would be immediately obliged to fly from their Settlements, appointed to meet them to hear their Complaints, and proposaels on Tuesday at 10.00 A. M., at Fort Swetarrow; the Country is thick settled this march along the blue mountains & very fine Plantations." Upon his arrival at Fort Swatara he reviewed the garrison, inspected the fort and its stores, and gave orders for a sergeant and twelve men to be always out on the scout towards Crawford's, near Manada Gap. On Tuesday, Feb. 21st, the country people came in ac- cording to appointment, when, after hearing their statement, he promised to station an officer and 25 men at Kobertson's Mill "situate in the Center between the Forts, Swatarrow & Hunter," which gave the people content. (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 352-353).

After reading over these various records we notice that four places are mentioned where soldiers were stationed and

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OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 33

which were used for defense: — Kobinson's, Kobeson's, or Eobertson's Mill (as the writer saw fit to spell the name), Manada Fort, Brown's Fort and Squire Bead's house. The misunderstanding with regard to Manada Fort has been caused by the confounding of these names in the effort to produce one or two places only out of what are really four separate and distinct stations.

At this point there is back of the First Mountain, or Blue Bange proper, a series of other ranges, known as the Second, Third, Fourth, Peter's Mountain, &c. Manada Gap is the nar- row passage in the First Mountain where the Manada Greek, formed between it and the Second Mountain, has forced its way through, on its journey towards its larger sister, the Swatara Creek. Bight at this entrance stands to-day the grist mill of Mr. Jacob Early on the site of the old Bobinson Mill. Mr. Early showed me at the time of my visit November 22, 1893, an old deed of property dated November 23, 1784, to John and James Pettigrew, for over 350 acres of land of Timothy Green, on part of ^hich the mill now stands. He then explained that his present mill was built in 1891, taking the place of a frame structure erected some 55 years ago, which, in its turn, rested on the foundation of the original mill. This latter was a stone building, and Mr. Early was told by the old inhabitants that it had loop holes in it, larger in- side than outside and undoubtedly intended for musketry. It was admirably adapted for defense and, as we have seen, was so used. It was from this building, called ^'Bobeson's Fort," that a lad standing at a corner window, whilst watch- ing some of the men dressing meat, noticed the approach of an Indian who was endeavoring to conceal himself behind a green bush, and who fled when discovered and fired upon. Whilst excellent, however, in itself, as a place of defense, it was too close to the mountain to be conveniently located as a place of refuge and protection for the settlers, whose dwell- ings were generally more distant from the Gap proper. The real Manada Fort, therefore, was built a short distance below the Mill, probably by the settlers themselves, in accordance with their own judgment, as already stated. Justice Adam Bead, in his appeal to the Provincial Council for assistance,

34 THE INDIAN FORTS

in speaking of the above incident of the lad discovering the Indian, distinctly says that ''Robeson's Fort" (the Mill) was three-quarters of a mile from Manada Fort. Diligent search on my part finally resulted in ascertaining the exact and au- thentic location of the latter fort, vrhich corresponds precisely with the record. My principal information was obtained from Mr. John N. Hampton, an old gentleman 94 years of age, now residing near Grantville, some miles distant, who still remains in perfect possession of all his mental faculties and physical powers. It so happened that Mr. Hampton, when a young man, was engaged in cutting wood at the very spot where the fort had stood, the property then of Wm. Thome. Noticing an unusual quantity of dead timber he inquired of young Mr. Thome the reason and was informed that this was the place where stood the Indian Fort. Old Mr. Thome who died 80 years ago an aged man, also stated the same thing. The fact, acquired in this unusual way, became indelibly impressed upon his memory. More recently I have had this location cor- oborated by Mr. Ziegler, an intelligent elderly gentleman re- siding near Harper's, Lebanon county, who remembers hear- ing old people mention it in his youth, and also others. I give a topographical sketch showing more in detail the situa- tion.

As will be seen Robeson's or Robinson's Mill and Fort stood right in the Mountain Gap, beside the Manada creek. Three- quarters of a mile below was Manada Fort, as shown. It stood at what is now the west end of the field on which Wm. Rhoad's house is built, about 350 yards from the same, and about 300 yards distant from Manada creek, beyond it to the west. The ground is level and somewhat elevated, falling away from the fort to a run of water, immediately below, which originates in a spring near Mr. Rhoad's house and flows west into Manada creek. About one-half mile to the southeast is the Methodist Meeting House, and probably an equal dis- tance to the southwest the Manada Furnace. No trace of the fort remains, nor any knowledge of its appearance, although, from the fact that it was not one of the larger stations, we are justified in presuming that it consisted merely of one block house surrounded by a stockade.

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 35

1 have previously said that some confusion exists with re- gard to the number and location of forts in this vicinity, owing principally to the letter written by Mr. Bead to Edward Shippen detailing the fight which the soldiers had with the Indians in the Gap and death of James Brown.

Before taking this matter up fully it is well to remember that the most populous part of the district was not close to the mountains, where stood Manada Fort and Bobeson's Mill, but down towards the region of the Swatara creek. The first position was necessary as it commanded the passage through the mountains; the other was equally necessary for protec- tion to the inhabitants and as a place of refuge for them. Accordingly, in the early history of savage depredations we read of the farmers organizing into companies which made the house of Adam Bead their rallying point, and later of a body of provincial troops stationed likewise at his home and under his command. It might be well here to explain that he was a very influential and patriotic gentleman, one of the most prominent in the neighborhood. Being a justice of the peace he is frequently called Squire Bead, and, holding a commis- sion under the Provincial Government we sometimes hear of him as Captain Bead. In addition to his house we also read of Brown's Fort. To aid further explanation I submit a map embracing the entire district.

It will be noticed that the Swatara creek, which takes a southwesterly direction after leaving Swatara Gap, suddenly tends to the northwest until once more near the mountain when, at the village now called Harper's, it makes a sharp turn around and then pursues its regular southwesterly course to the Susquehanna river. About one and one-fourth miles southeast from Harper's a creek, called "Bead's creek," empties into the Swatara. On a road running off from the main road to Jonestown, and one-fourth mile above where the latter crosses Bead's creek by a bridge, stood Adam Bead's house, on property now owned by Sam'l Beigel. This location is fixed by Mr. C. D. Zehring, an old gentleman residing at Jones- town, who has made frequent surveys thereabouts and obtained the information from old deeds and papers in his possession. It is corroborated by his brother John, now 79 years old, who

36 THE INDIAN FORTS

lived the greater part of his life on Bead's creek, and further proven by Mr. Bead himself who, in speaking of the murder of Noah Frederick, states that it took place between his home and Fort Swatara ^'but two short miles" from the latter and ''a little better than two" from the former. In other words his home was exactly four miles from Fort Swatara, which agrees precisely with its position as marked. (Col. Eec, vii, p. 303).

About two miles distant from Harper's and one and a half miles south of the village of Mt. Nebo, on the Swatara creek, are still found caves which local tradition unites in saying were used by the settlers as places of refuge from the Indians. I was shown, by Mr. J. A. Baumgardner, at Harper's, the site of what he called an Indian Fort. He remembers very dis- tinctly hearing the old people talk about this fort when he was a boy, some 40 years ago.

The sketch given will indicate its position.

Here, at the bend in the Swatara, Mr. Adam Harper settled himself at an early period. His location was the most western in the county at that time. He was surrounded by Indians, who had a string of wigwams hard by his home. He kept the first public house in all that region of country. The place is still known as ''Harper's Tavern," and stood as shown. Not half a mile distant from this place, in 1756, the Indians killed five or six white persons. A woman — a sister of Major Leidig — was scalped by the Indians, and, incredible, as it may appear, survived this barbarous act and lived for years afterwards. (Bupp, p. 353).

Of course the so called Fort at Harper's was not, strictly speaking, -a fort, but merely a place of refuge. It is very probable that it was connected in some way, with the Indian massacre mentioned above.

We are now prepared to discuss the remaining defense of those centering about Manada and called

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 37

BROWN'S FORT.

So little is known of this fort, and what little is known is of such an indefinite character, that it has been variously placed in different counties if placed at all. In the Appendix to the Pennsylvania Archives, p. 346, it is said that "there is nothing to determine the site of this fort (if indeed there was a fort of that name), and the other one not far from it; as the letter (Adam Read's) is dated Hanover it was probably either in Beaver or Washington county." Whilst it is true that there is but little on record concerning Brown's Fort, yet a state- ment such as the above is certainly inexcusable. Our chief knowledge of this fort is obtained from the letter written by Squire Adam Read to Edward Shippen, already given in full, wherein he details the shooting of the soldiers. (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 738). It is dated "Hanover, August 7th, 1756." His residence, just located, stood in what has always been called Hanover Township of Lebanon (then Lancaster) county, from this time to the present. What more natural then, in the ab- sence of our present villages and postoffices, than that he should head his communication "Hanover," and what more unnatural than to locate the said Hanover in Beaver or Washington county. Indeed the postoffices to this day are called East and West Hanover. I believe if we consider his letter carefully, which does not seem to have been done in the past as it should, we may get some light on the matter. Let us do so :

A soldier, named Jacob Ellis, belonging to Capt. Smith's command, was stationed at Brown's Fort. We will here re- member that whilst Capt. Smith himself was at Fort Swatara, his headquarters, yet a commissioned officer and certain num- ber of men from his company, and under his command, were stationed at and near Manada Gap. This man Ellis "lived two and one-half miles over the first mountain, just within the gap at said fort." So we find that Brown's Fort was near the gap, and we know that it was Manada Gap from a letter writ- ten August 9th by James Galbraith to Edward Shippen in which he says, speaking of this very affair "there wase two

38 THE INDIAN FORTS

Solders killed and one wounded about two miles from Monaday fort." (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 740). He had some wheat growing at his home and wanted to harvest it, so accordingly prevailed upon his officer to give him an escort of ten men to aid in the work. Any one who has made a study of this portion of our history will readily see that an important part of the soldiers duty was guarding the settlers at their work whilst harvesting their crops. For that purpose they were divided into small parties which were stationed at various suitable farm houses. The time of harvest was now at hand, and the mere fact that so little mention is made of Brown's Fort is evidence in itself that it was no fort at all, strictly speaking, but merely a private house temporarily occupied by a squad of soldiers. I say a ''squad" of soldiers because, in all such cases, the num- ber was limited. If that were so, and it certainly was, then there was no commissioned officer with them, and yet we read that he obtained the necessary permission from his officer, a lieutenant, who gave him so considerable an escort that un- doubtedly a part were furnished from his headquarters, which was Manada Fort. This would indicate that Brown's Fort was at no great distance from Manada Fort. Indeed I was somewhat inclined to believe, at first, that they were one and the same place, but undoubted information received, to be given later, showed me such was not the case. To continue our narra- tive, the soldiers went up into the gap, where Ellis lived, and got to work, keeping a poor look out. About ten o'clock A. M., they were surprised by three Indians, who killed the cor- poral and wounded another. For awhile there was quite a scene of excitement when finally the Indians fled, giving a war whoop and firing a farewell shot. Having hid the dead man the other soldiers returned to the fort only to find another of their number missing, one named James Brown, who lived in the fort. We are then told that the Lieutenant immediately went out with more men and brought in the dead body but could not find Brown. Here we have several facts mentioned, one that the fort was, as I have already said only a private house, the residence of a man named Brown, although not necessarily James Brown, who may have been merely a son or

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 39

relative living there, but still of some person so called or the fort would not have been recorded as Brown's Fort; and the other fact suggested is that Brown's Fort and Manada Fort were near each other and easy of access, because during a comparatively short time in the afternoon, the Lieutenant is informed of the calamity, takes a body of men to the spot, spends some time in searching for the missing man, and brings back the dead body, all before evening, which he could haTdly have done had the distances been otherwise than short. As will be shown on the map given, the position of Brown's Fort was really but one and three-fourths miles east of Manada Fort, and, in going from the former to the Gap and back, it was almost necessary to pass by the latter. Mr. Bead adds that he heard shooting that night. These were probably alarm guns, which may have been fired at Brown's Fort to alarm the people, or even by some of the farmers themselves. Although the location to be given presently of Brown's Fort places it near the mountains and about five miles distant from Mr. Bead's house, yet the reverberating sound of fire arms near the mountain, in a still night, could have been heard at that distance without much difficulty. During my tour of investigation I several times heard guns so fired which, although several miles off, seemed very loud and near; even the stroke of a woodchopper's axe, a mile distant, was very distinctly heard. I doubt, however, whether he could so readily have heard a musket if fired at Manada Fort. The next morning, he tells us, he went up with some hands, to ascertain the cause of the alarm and render assistance, if needed. Upon arrival he found Capt. Smith had sent up more men from the other fort. Please note the words which I have placed in italics. It has been a query as to which is meant by the "other fort." Let us not forget that Capt. Smith had his headquarters at Fort Swatara, where he probably was. Of course that same evening the Lieutenant, if he was any kind of an officer, sent notice to his Captain of what had oc- curred. The distance from Fort Swatara to Brown's Fort was about nine miles, and what more natural than that Capt' Smith should send some temporary reinforcements up from Fort Swatara, the other fort, where he was, not knowing but

40 THE INDIAN FORTS

what the Indians were in force and that more troops would be needed. Finding that his kindly meant assistance was unnecessary Mr. Eead returned home, but the following morn- ing went back, when he found that the body of James Brown had been discovered. He was killed by the last shot which the Indians had fired, and had been scalped.

Let us now consult the map given.

I cannot think otherwise but that a glance at this location of Brown's Fort will show how thoroughly it corresponds and agrees with all records we have of it. It stood on the main road between Fort Swatara, Manada Fort and Manada Gap. Being merely a farm house, intended to be occupied only dur- ing harvest time, it was well situated for that purpose, being adjacent to quite a number of farms. As corroborating evi- dence of the correctness of my arguments I would say that diligent search reveals the fact that the Browns then lived in that locality. There were several families of that name, none of them apparentl}^ of any prominence, but all residing there- abouts. I found none of that name elsewhere. Within this century, some 80 years ago, a Sam'l Brown lived just south of Manada Furnace; Philip Brown lived about one-half mile north of Grantville on what is now the farm of Dan'l Ulrich, and Adam Brown, who died some 60 years ago, lived on the farm now owned by Amos Walmer. On the map will also be noticed an old stone house, standing about one mile north of Shellsville, which is the original building then occupied by John Crawford, (where it will be remembered Maj. James Burd stopped over night on Sunday, February 19, 1758, when on his tour of inspection), who instead of fleeing away from his enemies, as did others, took especial pleasure in hunting them up and despoiling them of their scalps. All the elderly people in the neighborhood agreed in saying that the building which I have marked, on the property of Mr. Jno. L. Ramler, was an Indian Fort. They did not know it by the name of Brown-s Fort, but called it the "Old Fort." This, however, is not to be wondered at, as Brown's Fort was never really its name, but merely the name of its occupant used by Mr. Eead the better to describe it in his letter. Mr. Ramler, who lives at the place, whilst but a young man himself, remembers

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 41

very distinctly of his grandfather, who died four years ago at the age of eighty-three, telling him that this place was a fort, and that there was another fort at or near Manada Gap. Whilst, as yet, I have not had opportunity to trace the owner- ship of this particular property back beyond our century and so ascertain if, at the time named, it was owned by a Mr. Brown, yet I have no doubt of that fact, and the universal opinion of Mr. Kamler and other gentlemen there is that this is Brown's Fort. As a further proof of this they say posi- tively that no other fort (except Manada) existed any where about that locality. Part of the walls of the building are still standing, about six feet high, alongside the road. It was of stone, therefore well adapted for the purpose, and was pierced with five port holes. It is close to the foot of the mountain.

As elswhere, many atrocities were committed by the savages in the vicinity of Manada Gap.

In August, 1757, two miles below the Gap, as Thomas Mc- Guire's sera was bringing some cows out of a field, a little way from the house, he was pursued by two Indians and narrowly escaped. Leonard Long's son, while ploughing, was killed and scalped. On the other side of the fence, Leonard Miller's son was ploughing, who was made prisoner. Near Benjamin Clark's house, four miles from the mill, two savages surprised Isaac Williams' wife and the widow Williams, killed and scalped the former in sight of the house, she having run a little way after three balls had been shot through her body. The latter they carried away captive. (History of Penn., W. H. Egle, vol. ii, p. 865).

The following interesting incident is related by Dr. Egle in his History of Dauphin County, p. 424 :

^'The Barnetts and their immediate neighbors erected a block house* in proximity to Col. Green's Mill (Eobinson's, now Early's Mill on land of Timothy Green) on the Manada, for the better safety of their wives and children, while they cul- tivated their farms in groups, one or two standing as senti- nels. In the year 1757, there was at work on the farm of Mr. Barnett a small group, one of which was an estimable man named Mackey. News came with flying speed that their wives

*Mr. N, W. Moyer, of Linglestown, has called the Editor's attention to an excellent photograph of this block house in the collection of the Dauphin Co. Historical Society.

42 THE INDIAN FORTS

and children were all murdered at the block house by the Indians. Preparations were made immediately to repair to the scene of horror. While Mr. Barnett with all possible haste was getting ready his horse, he requested Mackey to examine his rifle to see that it was in order. Everything right they all mounted their horses, rifle in hand, and gallopped off, tak- ing a near way to the blockhouse. A party of Indians lying in ambush rose and fired at Mr. Barnett, who was foremost, and broke his right arm. His rifle dropped; an Indian snatched it up and shot Mr. Mackey through the heart. He fell dead at their feet, and one secured his scalp. Mr. Bar- nett's father, who was in the rear of his company, turned back, but was pursued by the Indians, and narrowly escaped with his life. In the meantime Mr. Barnett's noble and high spirited horse, which the Indians greatly wished to possess, carried him swiftly out of the enemy's reach, but, becoming weak and faint from the loss of blood, he fell to the ground and lay for a considerable time unable to rise. At length, by a great effort, he crept to a buckwheat field, where he concealed himself until the Indians had retired from the immediate vicinity, and then, raising a signal, he was soon perceived by a neighbor, who, after hesitating for some time for fear of the Indians, came to his relief. Surgical aid was procured, and his broken arm bound up, but the anxiety of his mind respecting his family was a heavy burden which agonized his soul, and not until the next day did he hear that they were safe, with the exception of his eldest son, then eight or nine years of age, whom the Indians had taken prisoner, together with a son of Mackey's about the same age. The savages on learning that one of their captives was a son of Mackey, whom they had just killed, compelled him to stretch his father's scalp, and this heart-rending, soul-sickening office he was obliged to perform in sight of the mangled body of his father.

The Indians escaped with the two boys westward, and, for a time, Mackey's son carried his father's scalp, which he would often stroke with his little hand and say, ^^my father's pretty hair."

Mr. Barnett lay languishing on a sick bed, his case doubtful for a length of time, but, having a strong constitution, he, at

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 43

last, through the blessing of God, revived, losing about four inches of a bone near the elbow of his right arm.

But who can tell the intense feeling of bitterness which filled the mind and absorbed the thoughts of him and his tender, sensitive, companion, their beloved child traversing the wilderness, a prisoner with a savage people, exposed to cold and hunger, and subject to their wanton cruelty? Who can tell of their sleepless nights, the anxious days, prolonged through long, weary months and years; their fervent prayers, their bitter tears, and enfeebled health?

The prospect of a treaty with the Indians, with the return of prisoners, at length brought a gleam of joy to the stricken hearts of these parents. Accordingly, Mr. Barnett left his family behind and set off with Col. Croghan and a body of five hundred "regulars" who were destined to Fort Pitt for that purpose. Their baggage and provisions conveyed on pack horses, they made their way over the mountains with the greatest difficulty. When they arrived at their place of desti- nation. Col. Croghan made strict inquiry concerning the fate of the little captives. After much fruitless search, he was informed that a squaw, who had lost a son, had adopted the son of Mr. Barnett and was very unwilling to part with him, and he, believing his father had been killed by the In- dians, had become reconciled to his fate, and was much at- tached to his Indian mother.

Mr. Barnett remained with the troops for some time with- out obtaining or even seeing his son. Fears began to be enter- tained at Fort Pitt of starvation. Surrounded by multitudes of savages, there seemed little prospect of relief, and, to add to the despondency, a scouting party returned with the dis- tressing news that the expected provisions, which were on the way to their relief, were taken by the Indians. They almost despaired — five hundred men in a picket fort on the wild banks of the Allegheny river without provisions. The thought was dreadful. They became reduced to one milch cow each day, for five days, killed and divided among the five hundred. The three following days they had nothing. To their great joy on the evening of the third provisions arrived. Every sunken, pale, despairing countenance gathered brightness, but.

M THE INDIAN FORTS

owing to its imprudent use, which the officers could not pre- vent, many died.

While the treaty was pending many were killed by the Indians, who were continually prowling around the fort. One day Mr. Barnett wished a drink of water from Grant's Spring (this spring is near Grant street, in the city of Pittsburgh, known to most of the older inhabitants) ; he took his "camp- kettle" and proceeded a few steps, when he suddenly thought the adventure might cost him his life, and turned back ; imme- diately he heard the report of a rifle, and, looking towards the spring, he saw the smoke of the same, — the unerring aim of an Indian had deprived a soldier of life. They bore away his scalp, and his body was deposited on the bank of the Alle- gheny.

The treaty was concluded and ratified by the parties ; never- theless great caution was necessary on the part of the whites, knowing the treachery of many of their foes.

Mr. Barnett was most unhappy. His hopes concerning his child had not been realized, and he had been absent from his family already too long. Soon after the conclusion of the treaty a guard, with pack horses, started to cross the moun- tains, and he gladly embraced the opportunity of a safe re- turn. After injunctions laid upon Col. Croghan to purchase, if possible, his son, he bade him, and his associates in hard- ships, farewell, and, after a toilsome journey, reached home and embraced, once more, his family, who were joyful at his return. But the vacancy occasioned by the absence of one of its members still remained. He told them that William was alive, soothed their grief, wiped away the tears from the cheeks of his wife, and expressed a prayerful hope that, through the interposition of a kind Providence, he would eventually be re- stored to them.

Faithful to his promise. Col. Croghan used every endeavor to obtain him. At length, through the instrumentality of traders, he was successful. He was brought to Fort Pitt, and, for want of an opportunity to send him to his father, was re- tained under strict guard, so great was his inclination to re- turn to savage life. On one occasion he sprang down the bank of the Allegheny river, jumped into a canoe, and was

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 45

midway in the stream before lie was observed. He was quickly pursued, but reached the opposite shore, raised the Indian whoop, and hid himself among the bushes. After several hours' pursuit he was retaken and brought back to the fort. Soon after, an opportunity offering, he was sent to Carlisle. His father, having business at that place, arrived after dark on the same day, and, without knowing, took lodg- ing at the same public house where his son was, and who had been some time in bed. As soon as he was aware of the fact he asked eagerly to see him. The landlord entreated him to let the boy rest till morning, as he was much wearied by travel- ing. To this the father would not assent, replying, "If a son of yours had been absent for three years could you rest under the same roof without seeing him?" The hardy host felt the appeal and led the way to the chamber. The sleeping boy was awakened and told that his father stood by his bed. He re- plied in broken English, ''No my father.'^ At this moment his father spoke, saying, ''William, my son, look at me; I am your father!" On hearing his voice and seeing his face he sprang from the bed, clasped him in his arms, and shouted, "My father ! My father is still alive !" All the spectators shed tears, the father wept like a child, while from his lips flowed thankful expressions of gratitude, to the Almighty disposer of all events, that his long lost child was again restored.

Early the next day the father and son were on the road homewards, where they arrived on the second day in the dusk of the evening. The rattling of the wheels announced their approach; the mother and all the children came forth. She, whose frequent prayers had heretofore been addressed to the Throne of Divine Grace for the safety and return of her son, now trembled and was almost overcome as she beheld him led by his father and presented to her, the partner of her sor- rows. She caught him to her bosom and held him long in her embrace, while tears of joy flowed. His brothers and sisters clustered eagerly around and welcomed him with a kiss of affection. It was a scene of deep feeling not to be described, and known only to those who have been in similar circum- stances. The happy family, all once more beneath the parental roof, knelt down and united in thanksgiving to Almighty God

46 THE INDIAN FORTS

for all His mercies to them in protecting and restoring to their arms a beloved and long absent child.

The children scrutinized him with curiosity and amazement. Dressed in Indian costume, composed of a breech-cloth around the waist, with moccasins, and leggins, his hair about three inches long and standing erect, he presented a strange appear- ance. By degrees he laid aside the dress of the wilderness, which he greatly preferred, forgot the Indian language, and became reconciled to his native home. But the rude treatment which he received from the Indians impaired his constitution. They frequently broke holes in the ice on rivers and creeks and dipped him in to make him hardy, which his feeble system could not endure without injury.

Kespecting the son of Mackey, he was given by the Indians to the French, passed into the hands of the English, and was taken to England, and came as a soldier in the British army to America at the time of the Eevolutionary war. He pro- cured a furlough from his officers and sought out his widowed mother, who was still living, and who had long mourned him as dead. She could not recognize him after the lapse of so many years. He stood before her, a robust, fine-looking man, in whom she could see no familiar traces of her lost boy. He called her "mother,'' and told her he was her son, which she did not believe. "If you are my son," she said, "you have a mark upon your knee that I will know." His knee was ex- posed to her view, and she instantly exclaimed, "My son in- deed !" Half frantic with joy, she threw her arms around his neck, and was clasped in those of her son. "Oh, my son," said she, "I thought you were dead, but God has preserved you and given me this happiness. Thanks, thanks to His name! Through long years I have mourned that sorrowful day which bereft me of my husband and child. I have wept in secret till grief has nearly consumed me, till my heart grew sick and my poor brain almost crazed by the remembrance. I have become old more through sorrow than years, but I have endeavored to ^kiss the rod' which chastised me. My afflictions have not been sent in vain, they have had their subduing and purifying effect; heaven became more attractive as earth became dark and desolate. But I now feel that I shall yet see earthly

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OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 47

happiness. Nothing in this world, my son, shall separate us but deaths' He never returned to the British army, but re- mained with his mother and contributed to her support in her declining years.

There was another interesting meeting, that of Mackey with the son of Mr. Barnett. They recapitulated the scenes of hardship through which they passed while together with the Indians, which were indelibly impressed upon the memory of both. They presented a great contrast in appearance — Bar- nett a pale, delicate man, and Mackey the reverse. The former sank into an early grave, leaving a wife and daughter. The daughter married a Mr. Franks, who subsequently removed to the city of New York.

Mr. Barnett, the elder, after experiencing a great sorrow in the loss of his wife, removed to Allegheny county, spending his remaining days with a widowed daughter. He died in November, 1808, aged eighty-two years, trusting in the merits of a Divine Providence. His eventful and checkered life was a life of faith, always praying for a sanctified use of his trials, which were many. His dust reposes in the little churchyard of Lebanon, Mifflin township, Allegheny county."

Of all the places used for defense about Manada none seem to have played a prominent part in history, yet all served faithfully in the several parts assigned them. Only one of these, Manada Fort, belonged to the chain of forts established by the Government. If only such are to be marked with tab- lets, I would recommend that the stone intended for it be placed on the side of the public road, opposite its site.

FOETSWATAKA.

About twelve miles east of Manada Gap is the still more important passage through the Blue Mountains by which the Swatara creek makes its way to the fertile regions below. This gap, at what is called ^^The Hole in the Mountain," or more commonly "The Hole," is known as Swatara Gap or

48 THE INDIAN FORTS

Toliliaio Gap. In its vicinity was located Fort Swatara or Smith's Fort. Through a very peculiar mode of expression on the part of Gov. Morris it has been also known, although incorrectly, as Fort Henry or Busse's Fort. This has occa- sioned several errors on the map published in 1875, by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, where Fort Swatara is lo- cated on the Swatara creek at a place where neither it nor any other fort ever stood, and that at Swatara Gap is named Fort Henry. Fort Swatara was, in reality, never called Fort Henry, but always Fort Swatara or occasionally Smith's Fort after the Captain who commanded it. Fort Henry was the Fort erected at Dietrich Six's near Millersburg in Berks county, and was always known as such, except when occasionally mentioned as Busse's Fort after its commanding officer. Whenever the name Fort Henry occurs in the Pennsylvania Archives it in- variably applies to the station in Berks county and never to that at Tolihaio Gap, even if the actual language used may seem otherwise. But more of that hereafter.

The news of the Indian murders up the Susquehanna near Shamokin (Sunbury) spread fast. From an interesting letter written October 30, 1755, by Conrad Weiser to Governor Morris, (Col. Kec, vi, p. 656) we learn that he immediately alarmed the neighborhood. The farmers at once gathered together, armed with guns, swords, axes or pitchforks, what- ever they chanced to possess, until some two hundred had rendezvoused at Benjamin Spickers, near Stouchsburg, about six miles above Womelsdorf. Then Mr. Kurtz, the Lutheran minister who resided about a mile away, delivered an ex- hortation and prayer, after which Mr. Weiser divided the people into companies of thirty, each under the command of a Captain selected by themselves, and at once took up his march towards the Susquehanna, having first sent some fifty men ^^to Tolkeo in order to possess themselves of the Capes or Nar- rows of Swahatawro, where we expected the euemy would come through, with a Letter to Mr. Parsons who happened to be at His Plantation. Their numbers increased rapidly on the way until they arrived at Squire Adam Read's on the Swatara creek, where they received intelligence of the surprise and slaughter of the settlers who, under the leadership of Cap't

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OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 49

McKee, John Harris and others, had gone up the Susquehanna to Penn's creek to protect the people there and bury the dead. This seems to have dampened the ardor of the party somewhat, who wisely concluded they could afford more protection to their families by remaining home, and accordingly wended their way back, being hastened somewhat by the rumor, which reached them as they were returning, that five hundred Indians had already made their Way through Tolheo Gap and killed a number of people.

The letter which Conrad Weiser speaks of having forwarded to Wm. Parsons was duly received by him, as we learn from a communication which on Octo. 31st, he sent Mr. Peters at Philadelphia. (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 443). He tells how he met the advance guard of farmers, with their motley array of arms, and advised them to make a breatswork of trees at the Swatara Gap with their axes, promising to procure for them and send them a quantity of bread and ammunition. They got as far as the top of the mountain, fired their guns off in the air, alarming the whole neighborhood, and then came back again, firing the whole way to the great terror of the inhabitants. Soon came the news of the murder of Henry Hartman, just over the mountain. As Mr. Parsons, with a party, were on their way to bury the body, they were told of two more who had recently been killed and scalped, and of others who were missing. Having decently interred the dead they returned. The roads were filled with persons fleeing from their homes, and confusion reigned supreme. It was a terrible time, and, whilst we may smile at the actions of the settlers, owing chiefly to their inexperience, we must not forget that, at heart, they were brave and true as men could be. Amongst them all none possessed more bravery, judg- ment, or sterling qualities than did Conrad Weiser, a man whose deeds for his State and country have been so little known and appreciated. There was a person, however, who saw immediately that he was the one best able to cope with the emergency, and that was Governor Morris, who, on Oct. 31, 1755, writes the following complimentary letter to Mr. Weiser:

50 THE INDIAN FORTS

''Sir: I have the pleasure of receiving your favor of the 30th Instant, and of being thereby set right as to the Indians passing the mountains at Tolheo, which I am glad to find was a false alarm. I heartily commend your conduct and Zeal, and hope you will continue to act with the same Vigor and Caution that you have already done, and that you may have the greater Authority, I have appointed you a Colonel by a Commission herewith.

I have not time to give you any Instructions with the Com- mission, but leave it to your Judgment and discretion, which I know are great, to do what is most for the safety of the people and service of the Crown. (Col. Eec, vi, p. 660).

The necessity of occupying the position at Swatara Gap was very apparent, and measures were at once taken to that end. Now appears the misleading order of Governor Morris, or rather letter of his to Colonel Weiser referring to the order. On January 25, 1756, he says :

''I have ordered Cap'n Christian Busse with a company of fifty men in the pay of this Province, to proceed to the Gap at Tolihaio, and there to erect a stoccado fort of the form and dimentions given him, and to take posts there and range the woods from that fort westwards towards Swehataro and eastwards towards a stoccado to be built by Cap. Morgan, about half way between the said fort and fort Lebanon.

I have ordered Cap'n Jacob Morgan, who is posted at a fort in the forks of Schuylkill, called Fort Lebanon, to leave twenty men in that fort and proceed with the remaining thirty to some convenient place about half way between that fort and

Fort at Tolihaio, and there to erect a stoccado of about

40 foot square, where he is to leave 20 men under a Com- miss'd officer and to return to fort Lebanon which he is to make his headquarters, and from that Stoccado & from fort Lebanon, his men are to Range and scour the woods both eastward and westward." (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 547).

Again on Feb. 1, 1756, Gov. Morris writes to Gov. Din- widdle telling him that he has just recently returned from a month's tour through the back parts of the Province, w'here he had tried to encourage the people and had arranged to build a chain of forts. He says "those between Delaware &

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 51

Susquehanna are to be ab't 10 or 12 miles asunder; ye most considerable of them is built at an important Pass thro' ye Kittahteny Hills, on our Northern Frontier, & I have called it Fort Henry." (Penn. Ar(^h., ii, p. 561).

Once more on Feb. 2, the next day, he writes to Col. Wash- ington on the same subject, saying, "On the East side of the Susquehanna the Forts are about ten to twelve miles asunder among which the most Considerable are Fort Henry, at a pass through the mountains, called Tolihaio, Fort Lebanon, on the Forks of Schulkill, and Fort Allen, upon the West Branch of Delaware, where the Moravians had a town called Gnaden Hutten." (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 565). In all these in- stances the Governor distinctly speaks of Fort Henry at Toli- haio, or Swatara Gap, and yet in no case does he literally mean what he says. Captain Busse was never stationed at Swatara Gap. He had command invaribly at Dietrich Six's place, the real Fort Henry, and he never was ordered by the Governor to proceed to Tolihaio Gap proper, as apparently stated.

In the orders given Cap't Busse the Governor distinctly says he directed him to proceed to the Gap at Tolihaio, there erect a fort and range from it "westwards towards Swehataro," meaning the fort erected at Swatara Gap, and nothing else; also to range "eastward towards a stocca-do to be built by Capt. Morgan about half way between the said fort and fort Lebanon," which could have been only Fort Northkill.

The truth of my statement is further evidenced by these orders to Capt. Jacob Morgan, just quoted. Capt. Morgan had command of Fort Lebanon above Port Clinton. The stockade which he was directed to build half way between Fort Leba- non and Fort Henry was unquestionably Fort Northkill, which was half way between Fort Lebanon and Fort Henry at Die- trich Six's, and could not have meant the fort at Dietrich Six's which is not half way between Fort Lebanon and Swatara Gap, but is half way between Fort Northkill and Swatara Gap.

If any other proof were needed we might refer to Conrad Weiser's letter of July 11th, 1756, to Gov. Morris, giving the various assignments of the troops under him. He states in

52 THE INDIAN FORTS

detail where the men of Cai)t. Smith are to be placed, all of them in and about Swatara Gap and the Manada Fort; then gives the men under Capt. Busse, all of whom are in and about Fort Henry, and after him Capt. Morgan's men at Fort North- kill and Fort Lebanon. (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 696).

As we follow the course of events recorded about these several forts, I feel assured that no doubt can remain as to the fact that the statements made by Governor Morris relative to Fort Henry at Tolihaio Gap, whilst possibly clear to him and those to whom he wrote, are certainly misleading to us. I be- lieve the explanation to be this. In writing or speaking of localities at that time it must certainly have been difficult to do so intelligently. There were no towns or villages along the mountain as now, and it was impossible to say that a fort was located near such a village or settlement, where none existed. It was unsatisfactory to speak of locations in connection with a private residence, although that was occasionally done when a person was prominent, like Adam Read. It only remained to refer to a position as being near a mountain gap. Now, no such gap exists between Swatara Gap and that at Port Clin- ton, so the Governor could not do otherwise than say "Fort Henry at Tolihaio Gap." More definite, and possibly personal instructions to the commanding officer could make clear to him the exact spot. Whatever may be the explanation, it was a wrong which it is high time to make right. The only name for the fort at Tolihaio Gap is Fort Swatara, and Fort Henry belongs at Dietrich Six's alone. Indeed even to this day the fort near Dietrich Six's in Berks county is there known as Fort Henry. After a personal investigation made some time ago by Hon. D. B. Brunner, of this city, he remarks, in 1881, "It might be supposed that there is a mistake in the name of this fort, but a number of the old men who were brought up in the vicinity of the fort told me that this (Fort Henry) was the name that was applied to it by their parents and grand- parents." (Brunner's Indians of Berks County, Penna., p. 23).

Having therefore removed the discrepancy wjiich existed with regard to the names of these two forts, let us consider the history of the real fort at Swatara Gap, Fort Swatara.

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OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 53

The first and most prominent commander of Fort Swatara was Captain Frederick Smith, whose company came from Chester County. On Jany. 6, 1756, orders were sent him from Beading, as follows:

"Captain Frederick Smith:

You are, as soon as you possibly can, to Draft out of your company, fifty of the best men belonging to that Company, and with your Lieutenant and Ensign, march to the town of Eeading, where you will be mustered by James Kead, Esq., and from the time of such muster, you and the Company are to enter into the Government pay, according to the Establish- ment herewith given you.

You are to engage your men for a certain time, not less than two months nor more than three months.

You are to remain in the town of Eeading till you receive further orders, and while there, you are to post your men in such a manner as best to defend that town in case it should be attacked.

You are to cause such of your men as are able to bring with them, each a gun and a Blanket, and either an axe or a grubbing hoe.

You are to keep your men sober and in order, and at all times fit for duty, and to hold yourself & them in readiness to march from Heading, at an hour's warning." (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 544).

It was soon seen, however, that the line of the Blue Range was the proper position to occupy, so, on Jan. 26th, the orders were sent Capt. Smith, already given in connection with the history of Manada Fort, to proceed as soon as pos- sible with the company under his command to the "gap at Tolehaio where Swehatara comes through the mountain, and in some convenient place there to erect a Fort, of the form and dimentions herewith given you, unless you shall Judge the Staccado, already erected there, conveniently placed, in which case you will take possession of it, and make such addi- tional works as you may think necessary to render it suf- ficiently strong and defenceable." (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 552). He was also ordered, with a part of his company to occupy the Manada Gap. Owing to his lack of knowledge of the country.

54 THE INDIAN FORTS

James Galbraith was directed to confer with and advise him. Capt. Adam Read, wjio had been previously ranging the moun- tains with his men was ordered to now dismiss them and turn over his arms and supplies to Capt. Smith, as was also Cap't Hederick who had been engaged in like work, all of which was done. (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 551-553). Referring to these ar- rangements the Governor in his letter of same date to James Galbraith says, "I have ordered Oapt. Smith, with a Company from Chester County, to take post at the Gap at Swehatara, and to station a detachment of his men at Monaday, either in the Stockadoes already built there, or to erect such others as he may Judge best; but as he is a stranger to that part of the country, I must desire you will assist him with your advice, not only as to the most advantageous situations for the forts, in case it should be resolved to erect new ones, but in any thing else that the service may require, and let me know from time to time what is done in that quarter." (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 554).

No further mention is made of the erection of the fort. As in the case of Manada Fort, it is very probable that the Stock- ade erected by the settlers during the latter part of 1755 was occupied by the soldiers. It was not an extensive work. In his letter to Col. Washington of Feb. 2, 1756, Gov. Morris says the principal forts East of the Susquehanna were Fort Henry, Fort Lebanon above Port Clinton and Fort Allen at Weissport "the others being only Block Houses." (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 565) . We may presume, therefore, that it consisted of a single build- ing surrounded by a stockade.

The mai^ murders committed by the savages and their stealthy approach made it necessary to distribute the soldiers around amongst various farm houses, especially during the harvest time now at hand.

Col. Weiser held a consultation with Captains Smith, Busse and Morgan, in July, 1756, at Fort Henry the central point, and arranged for the distribution of the men. Eight men of Capt. Smith's company were to assist the people in the Hole (the place Vhere twice murder was committed) to gather in their harvest, and stay over night in the Moravian House; eight of his men to range westward of his fort under the hill,

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 65

and if occasion require to be stationed in two parties to guard the reapers; sixteen men to be in and about the fort to help and protect the neighbors, but constantly ten out of the six- teen are to stay in the fort; nine men to remain constantly in Manada Fort, and twelve men to range east and west of that place. Although this arrangement did not leave men enough in the forts to relieve those on duty, and barely enough to defend the forts and send provisions to the various posts, yet it was not sufficient for the settlers, who, becoming enraged at the loss of family, friends and property, even threatened to go to the French for protection if the English Provincial Gov- ernment would not afford it. Some of the number, without giving their action due consideration, even seem to have com- plained to the Governor that Capt. Smith, who appears to have been a brave and faithful officer, was negligent in his duty. To the credit of the inhabitants generally it must be said that as soon as they learned this, the people about Swatara and the Hole wrote a letter to Col. Weiser in his favor, which the Colonel sent to Governor Morris by his son "Sammy" Weiser who might translate it to His Excellency, (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 696).

It might be well to refer here to the Journal of the officer in command at Fort Northkill, which will be given in proper order, and in which frequent mention is made of Capt. Smith and his command. In the Penn'a Archives, Vol ii, p. 159, it is called "A Journal in 1754," another unfortunate error, probably made at some time in transcribing records, or of a typographical character, but which has caused confusion as to the date of erection of the sundry forts.

The time when this Journal was written was unquestionably from June to August of 1757, and not 1754, as at the latter time the country thereabouts was at peace with the Indians, and we have just seen that Capt. Smith and his command were not mustered into the service of the government until 1756.

Notwithstanding all efforts of the government and soldiers the enemy seemed to be successful in theiir work of destruc- tion. It was felt that, perhaps, the methods of defense were unequal to the occasion but how to remedy the matter was

56 THE INDIAN PORTS

no easy conclusion to readh. In the early part of 1757, Major Burd suggest to the government the desirability of doing away entirely with all the forts and defenses except three, one to be Fort Lytleton in the extreme west, another Fort Augusta, in the centre, and a third to be erected at Easton, with Col. Weiser's battalion, numbering 500 men, in charge. At these forts were to be stationed 100 men only, the balance to be engaged in active operations against the savages, march- ing into their own country instead of waiting their attack at home. He suggested uniforming the troops in green hunt- ing shirts for better concealment. The plan was certainly wise and was acted upon, to a certain extent, with success, but it seemed impossible to carry it out in full, so the original forts were continued until gradually diminished in number. (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 99.)

In 1757 was held the Treaty with the Indians at Easton where Conrad Weiser once more acted as the Agent of the Government, and interpreter for the Governor. On that oc- casion he arranged for a guard of 110 men, who were to come from sundry forts, amongst them Fort Swatara. (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 218.) On Feb. 5th, 1758, Adjutant Kern reports at Fort Swatara Lieut. Allen with 33 men, and its distance to Fort Hunter, on the Susquehanna, as 24 miles (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 339). In another report under the same date, of the fort, he gives the name of Lieut. Marshloff, with 33 men, 28 provincial muskets, 23 private guns, 10 lbs. of powder, 10 lbs. of lead, 2| months of provisions, and 14 cartridges. (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 341.) On Feby. 9th, Jas. Young, Commissary of Musters, re- ports one company of 46 men on duty at the Fort on Swatara. (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 341.) James Burd, during his tour on inspection, visited Fort Swatara and has the following to say of it at this time :

Sunday, Feby. 19th, 1758.

^^This day at 11 A. M., march'd for Fort Swettarrow, got to Crawford's, 14 miles from Hunter's (Fort Hunter), here I stay all night, it rain'd hard.

Had a number of applications from the country for protec- tion ♦ * * *

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 57

20th, Monday.

March'd this morning at 11 A. M., mett a Serg't & 12 men here, who march'd with me back to Swettarrow, this day it rain'd much, gott to Swettarrow Fort at 4 P. M., the roads extream bad, the soldiers march with great diflficulty, found Capfn Lieu't Allen & 38 men here per report; this is 11 miles from Crawford's.

21st, Tuesday.

Keviewed the Garrison this morning at 10 A. M., & found 38 men, Vis't, 21 belonging to Cap't. Leu't Allen, & 17 de- tached from Capt'n Weiser's Co.; of Capt'n Allen's 13 men for 3 years, no province arms fitt for use, no kettles, nor blankets, 12 lb of poudder & 25 tb of lead, no poudder Horns, pouches, nor Cartouch boxes, no Tomahawks nor Province tools of any kind, 2 months provision.

Some Soldiers Absent and others hyr'd in their place which has been a custom here, the soldiers under no Dissipline. Ordered a Serg't & 12 men to be always out upon the Scout from hence to Crawford's, keeping along the blue mountain, altering their routs, & a targett to be erected 6 inches thick, in order to practice the Soldiers in Shooting.

This day 12 M. D., the Country people came here, I promise them to station an officer & 25 men at Kobertson's Mill, this mill is situate in the Centre between the Forts Swattarrow & Hunter, this gave the People Content.

March'd at 1 P. M., for Fort Henry * * » » (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 353.)

Upon his arrival there he ordered Ensign Craighead with 18 men to march to Fort Swatara, there obtain 7 men from Capt. Allen and with his command proceed to Robinson's Mill, in accordance with his promise made the farmers. He also sent a Serg't., Corporal and 8 men to Squire Read's house, and in- structed Capt. Weiser, whose company was added to that of Capt. Busse at Fort Henry, to range from Fort Henry to Fort Northkill on the East aiid Fort Swatara on the West. From Fort Henry he proceeded to Conrad Weiser's house, from which place he ordered to Fort Swatara one cask of powder, and, later, from Reading, eleven blankets and 100 pounds of lead.

68 THE INDIAN FORTS

Here ends our record of Fort Swatara, whicli, with, the success of the British troops and consequent cessation of hos- tilities in that neighborhood, gradually passed out of exist- ence. There is nothing in what has been written to definitely fix its location. Fortunately memory and authentic tradition supplies this deficiency. In Eupp's History of Berks and Lebanon Counties, p. 364, the following appears:

"Fort Smith, it is believed was in this part of the country (Lebanon County) within the limits of Union township. Not a few seem to think, each of them has the honor of having it perpetuated, that Fort Smith was on his farm. Some with Whom we have conversed, locate it at Union Forge. An in- telligent gentleman, Jacob Weidman, Esq., in a communication of Feb. 13, 1844, says: — 'The following facts I obtained from Mr. Daniel Musser, who is nearly seventy years old. He sug- gests that there may probably be an error to locate Fort Smith where Union Forge is. Mr. Musser's maternal grand- father, Peter Heydrich, who emigrated from Germany and located previous to 1738, about three-fourths of a mile due north from this place it appears, owned the place on which Fort Smith was erected. My informant says, he knows that a fort had been erected on his grandfather's farm, to which, in great emergencies, the neighbors fled for safety.

The persons whom Mr. Musser remembers having heard of that resided in this township, as old settlers, were Mr. Noacre or Noecker, who was shot dead in his field while ploughing, on the farm now owned by John Zehring. He says that one Philip Maurer was shot dead while cradling oats on the farm now occupied by John Gross. Martin Hess, who es- caped unhurt, his house also had been a place of refuge — often half a dozen families would resort to Hess's house, which was about one mile southwest from Peter Heydrich's, and a half a mile west from this place. Mathias Boeshore (your mother's relative) was also an old settler, who, on one occa- sion retreated from the enemy, the Indians, towards Hess's. Just as he had got inside the house, seized his gun, and turned upon his pursuers, levelling his deadly weapon at them, and while in the act of drawing the trigger, he received a shot from an Indian, which wounded him but slightly. The bullet of

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one savage's gun stru.ck that part of Boeshore's rifle, to wliich the flint is attached; the ball glancing a little to one side, wounded him in the left side. Boeshore lived to be a very old man.

The land on which this fort was erected, is now owned by widow Elizabeth Shuey. The old people are unanimous in locating the fort on Mrs. Shuey's farm, at that time the prop- erty of Peter Heydrich. None of them seems to know that the house on Mr. Weidman's place here was ever used as a fort. May it not, like the house of Mr. Hess, have been only a kind of blockhouse; as the house of Hess, as well as the one here, has also some apertures, or port holes, which were evi- dently used to fire out upon the enemy ?

Of Peter Heydrich, it is related, that on a certain occasion, the Indians appeared in great numbers — and nearly all the neighbors being in their own houses — Heydrich gave imme- diate notice to the people to resort to the fort, and in the meantime, (having both fife and drum in the fort, and could beat and fife well), took the drum and fife, marched himself into the woods or thicket, now beating the drum then blowing the fife; then and again gave the word of command, loud and distinct, as if it had been given to a large force — though he was the only one to obey orders — by this Guerre de ruse, slight of war, he managed to keep the savages away, and collect his neighbors securely. HotTi hricht EisenJ'

This interesting letter gives the true situation of the fort without doubt. I personally made a careful investigation of the entire neighborhood, with the result of only confirming what has just been said. The unanimous verdict of the people located Fort Swatara or Smith's Fort on the Shuey property, now the Behny Farm. The sketch given will be more explicit.

Fort Swatara stood in what is now a field, at the end of the private farm road leading from the State road to the farm of Joseph Behny, distant from the former some 80 yards, and from Inwood Station, at Swatara Gap, three-fourths mile southwest. The farm was sold by Mrs. Shuey to Wm. Coppen- haver and by him to Jacob Behny, whose home is near that of Joseph. It is on the left side of the road, with a spring

60 THE INDIAN FORTS

at the southwest corner of the fort, and a fine run of water directly south of it, flowing east and west. The ground is not elevated but comparatively level. ' A number of old resi- dents testified as to the correct situation of the fort. Amongst them Jacob Kohr, 72 years old, whose mother and grand- mother told him of it, the latter, Mrs. John Wallis, dying 50 years ago, 87 years old. He stated that it was a log house, with port holes cut in it. As will be noticed the fort com- mands the roads to Harrisburg, Swatara Gap and the country below. I would recommend a monument at the entrance to the lane, on the State road.

On the sketch is also located the Weidman house, at Lick- dale, formerly Union Forge, of which mention has been made, and which was used as a house of refuge. The original old mansion still stands, but its former appearance has been com- pletely changed by the weather boarding placed over it. It is beautifully surrrounded by a grove of trees, and stands about 50 yards back of the road.

The numerous murders committed by the Indians made nec- essary the occupation by soldiers of various buildings besides the forts proper. The settlers themselves frequently used other houses, strongly built and centrally located, as places of refuge. Each of these had its own tale of terror and possible death. It is but right, wherever known, to fix their positions on the map and tell somewhat of their history, if in existence. In this vicinity, besides the Weidman house, stood the Hess house, the block house at Fredericksburg, and the Moravian Church at the same place. I give herewith a general sketch, embodying the position of each. Mr. Bead's house, on the Swatara Creek, might properly be included here also, but as its history was more intimately connected with that of the Manada Fort, I have noted it under that heading.

Mention has been made heretofore of Hess's house, and I have marked its location above. Of its history I have learned nothing in especial, beyond the fact of its use as a place of refuge. It is said there is an excavation where the old house stood. It is about one mile from Fort Swatara and about the same distance from Lickdale.

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originally on the farm of John Groh, one of the first settlers of Bethel Township. It was sold to J. H. Lick and Joseph Gibber, the present owner. About four years ago it was torn down and the logs used in the new building which stands nearly if not quite on the site of the old house. At the time it was torn down it was noticed that the loop-holes were blackened with powder, showing the active use to which it had been put. It was on the road leading from Jonestown to Fredericksburg, about 300 yards from the latter place, and on the banks of a small stream. It was some 32 feet long, 16 feet wide, and one story high, and had a garret, or cornice, extending out over the sides, with loop-holes in the floor to enable the inmates to shoot downwards. It was a house of refuge. This information was kindly furnished by Gideon Schnaterly, who is 68 years old, and received it from Eliza- beth Herman, who died 20 years ago at the age of 92, as well as from his father who died 15 years ago at the age of 80.

The Moravian Church, which was used as a place of refuge and defense, was located 3 miles northwest from Fredericks- burg and 5 miles north from Jonestown, on the road leading from Fredericksburg to Lickdale, along the mountain. It is on the property of Josiah Shugar, about 50 yards north of the Fredericsburg road, and 200 yards northeast from the New Church. The Grave Yard, in which it is said a number of the persons murdered by the Indians lie buried, is about 200 feet in the rear of the barn. The barn and house which now stand on the property were partly built of logs from the Old Church, which looked to be in an excellent state of preserva- tion. It was torn down fifteen or eighteen years ago.

This information was obtained from Josiah Shugar living on the place, as well as from Mr. Gideon Schnaterly, men- tioned above.

The Indian Forts were erected solely for the purpose of protecting the lives and property of those who lived near them. Had there been no murders there would have been no forts. I feel, therefore, that the history of the forts would be incomplete without reference at least to such of the terrible sufferings endured by the people in their neighborhood as are on record. The inhabitants of Lebanon ^and Berks Counties

62 THE INDIAN FORTS

endured even more than their share of the terrible atrocities perpetrated by the savages.

The town of Lebanon, being already densely settled, was resorted to, as a place of safety by hundreds of families who fled from the frontier settlements. Sixty families had, at one time, taken shelter in the house of John Light, which is still standing, and known among the people there as the ''Old Fort." Of it the Eev. P. 0. Croll of that city, has just written me "The John Light Forf' is a dilapidated stone structure, fast going to ruin, in the northwest section of our city, lately owned by one Gingering, but now in possession of the Brocks and Colemans. It was a house of refuge, having still the arched vault under the first floor (which is stone and earth) spacious enough to shelter comfortably one hundred people. It used to have a running spring in this cellar, which is dried up. The house was used as a Mennonite meeting house, and residence, and fort, and later distillery, and now furnishes shelter for goats and sparrows and a colored family."

The house of Mr. George Gloninger was also a place of usual resort, also that of Mr. Ulrich near Annville, and the Zellers property near Newmanstown. Concerning these three buildings Rev. P. C. Croll, of Lebanon, has kindly furnished the following interesting information :

"The Gloninger and Ulrich forts, so called, I judge have been simply strongly built houses of refuge. The former is now used, with some alterations, as a farm house. The latter was erected in 1751, a quarter of a mile north of Annville rail- road depot, by Mr. Ulrich, over which his descendants erected a stone dwelling, which has been recently remodelled, but the fort has remained intact. It is nothing but a mural dungeon, or vault, built into a hillside, with an air hole walled out. It has a stone with this inscription :

^SO OFT DIE DIEE DEN ANKEL WENT AN DEINEN TOD, OMENSCH, GEDENK.'

1751. (a free translation.) 'Whene'er this door its hinge does turn, may thought of death to thee return.'

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Mr. CroU says of the Zeller house of refuge that it is an old and well preserved building built of solid masonry, and, in part, ornamented with carved stone door- jambs and head stones or lintels. It was erected in 1745 on land owned by Heinrich Zellers and now in possession of his eighth lineal descendant, Mr. Monroe P. Zellers. Even then it was built for protection and to guard against attack, the original win- dows being mere port holes, as ishown in some still pre- served. Many traditions still cluster about this old land mark. It is related of the original Mrs. Zellers that she super- intended the construction of the house, whilst her husband was out on an expedition against the Indians, and that her laborers were colored slaves. It is said, also, of this same Christine Zellers that one day, whilst alone in the fort, she saw three prowling savages approaching and heading for the small hole in the cellar shown on the picture attached. She quickly descended the cellar steps and stationed herself at this window with an uplifted ax. Presently the head of the first Indian protruded through the hole when she quickly brought down the weapon with an effective blow. Dragging the body in, she disguised her voice and, in Indian language, beckoned his companions to follow, which they did and were all dispatched in like manner. It was here that the com- munity found refuge during the Indian troubles, at which time it is said to have been attacked.

In addition to these buildings, the Moravian Church, erected in 1750, a mile and a half east from Gloninger's was oc- cupied by refugees, the principal part of whom had fled from the Moravian settlements in Bethel township. (Loskiel p. 11, p. 180.)

One John Spitler, son-in-law to Jacob Miley, was shot dead while fixing up a pair of bars, and his body cruelly mangled. Mrs. Miley escaped by taking refuge in the watch house at her father's, a few miles from Stumptown. This happened in May, 1757. Spitler's mangled corpse was interred in the grave yard at Hebron, near Lebanon. The following, touch- ing his murder, is found in the Eecords of the Hebron Church, "1757, May den 16, wurde Johannes Spitler, Jr., ohnweit von selnem Hause, an der Schwatara von moerderischen Indian-

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64 THE INDIAN FORTS

ern ueberfallen und ermordert. Er war im acht unddrei- sigsten Jahr seines Alters, und verwichenes Jahr im April, an der Sehwatara auf genommen. Seine uebelzugericht tette Leiche wurde den ITten May hieher gebracht, und bei einer grossen Menge Leute begleitet auf unsern hiesigen Gottesacker beerdigt." (Rupp, p. 310.)

In Bethel township the people suffered greatly. In No- vember, 1755, twenty persons were killed and some children carried off. "Shocking," says the Secretary of the Province, "are the descriptions given by those who escaped of the horrid cruelties and indecencies, committed by the merciless savages, on the bodies of those unhappy wretches who fell into their hands, especially the women, without regard to age or sex, these far exceed those related of the most abandoned pirates.''

On June 8th, 1756, at "The Hole," Swatara Gap, they crept up, unobserved, behind the fence of Felix Wuench, shot him, as he was ploughing, through the breast — he cried lamentably and ran, but the Indians soon caught up to him, and, al- though he defended himself sometime with his whip, they cut his head and breast with their tomahawks and scalped him. His wife, hearing his cries and the report of two guns, ran out of the house, but was soon taken by the enemy who carried her with one of her own and two of her sister's children, away with them, after setting the house on fire and otherwise destroying property.

A servant boy, who was at some distance, seeing this, ran to his neighbor, George Miess, who, though he had a lame leg, ran, with his son, directly after the Indians, raising at the same time a great noise, which so alarmed the Indians that they immediately ran off, leaving behind them a tub of butter and a side of bacon. Mr. Miess then went to the house, which was in flames, and threw down the fences in order to save the barn. The Indians had drunk all the brandy in the spring house, and took several gammons, a quantity of meal, some loaves of bread, and a great many other things with them. Had it not been for the courage of Mr. Miess they would have attacked another house. They shot one of the horses in the plough, and dropped a large French knife. (Penn. Gaz., June 17, 1756.)

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OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 65

Shortly after committing the above murder the Indians killed a child of Lawrence Dippel's, a boy about four years old who was found cruelly murdered and scalped. Another lad, about six years old, was carried off. (Penn. Gaz., June 17, 1756.)

On June 26, they surprised and scalped two men, Franz Albert and Jacob Haendsche, also two lads, Frederick Weiser and John George Miess, who were ploughing in the field of one Fischer, and shot two horses. (Schwatarer Kirchen Buch.)

In August, 1757, as John Winklebach's two sons, and Joseph Fischbach, a Provincial Soldier, went out about sun- rise to bring in the cows, they were fired upon by about fifteen Indians. The two lads were killed, one being scalped, the other reaching the house before he died. The soldier was wounded in the head. (Hist. Penn., Egle, ii, p. 865.)

The Kev. Henry Melchior Muhlenberg relates, in the Hal- lische Nachrichten, p. 1029, a touching incident, which has been frequently told, but is so ^'apropos'' to this record that it should not be omitted. It was of the widow of John Hartman who called at his house in February, 1765, who had been a member of one of Rev. Kurtz's congregations. She and her husband had emigrated to this country from Reutlingen, Wur- temberg, and settled on the frontiers of Lebanon County. The Indians fell upon them October 16th, 1755, killed her husband, one of the sons, and carried off two small daughters into captivity, whilst she and the other son were absent. On her return she found the home in ashes, and her family either dead or lost to her, whereupon she fled to the interior settle- ments at Tulpehocken and remained there. The sequel to this occurrence is exceedingly interesting. The two girls were taken away. It was never known what became of Barbara, the elder, but Regina, with another little girl two years old, were given to an old Indian woman, who treated them very harshly. In the absence of her son, who supplied them with food, she drove the children into the woods to gather herbs and roots to eat, and, when they failed to get enough, beat them cruelly. So they lived until Regina was about nineteen years old and the other girl eleven. Her mother was a good. Christian woman, and had taught her daughters their prayers,

66 THE INDIAN FORTS

together with many texts from the Scriptures, and their beau- tiful German Hymns, much of which clung to her memory dur- ing all these years of captivity. At last, in the providence of God, Colonel Bouquet brought the Indians under subjection in 1764, and obliged them to give up their captives. More than four hundred of these unfortunate beings were gathered together at Carlisle, amongst them the two girls, and notices were sent all over the country for those who had lost friends and relatives, of that fact. Parents and husbands came, in some instances, hundreds of miles, in the hope of recovering those they had lost, the widow being one of the number. They were many joyful scenes, but more sad ones. So many changes had taken place, that, in many instances, recognition seemed impossible. This was the case with the widow. She went up and down the long line but, in the young women who stood before her, dressed in Indian costume, she failed to recognize the little girls she had lost. As she stood, gazing and weeping. Colonel Bouquet compassionately suggested that she do something which might recall the past to her children. She could think of nothing but a hymn which was formerly a favorite with the little ones :

"Alone, yet not alone am I, Though in this solitude so drear; I feel my Saviour always nigh. He comes the very hour to cheer; I am with Him, and He with me. E'en here alone I cannot be."

She commenced singing, in German, but had barely com- pleted two lines, when poor Kegina rushed from the crowd, began to sing also and threw her arms around her mother. They both wept for joy and the Colonel gave the daughter up to her mother. But the other girl had no parents, they having probably been murdered. She clung to Regina and begged to be taken home with her. Poor as was the widow she could not resist the appeal and the three departed to- gether. (Todd's Sabbath School Teacher.)

In reply to a letter addressed to Mr. Sarge he wrote Mr. Rupp thus;

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 67

"In 1834, an uncle of mine purchased a farm, three miles from Fort Smith, the house, then on this farm, was evidently also a Fort — tradition has it so — there are besides — or were at least when I saw the house in '34 — marks of corroborating evidence to conclusively show this to have been the case. The port-holes, though plugged when 1 saw the house, and the scores of partial perforations made in the logs by bullets or balls, concur to sustain the truth of tradition. The house has, however, been since removed, and in its stead, another is erected. The workmen, in sinking the cellar deeper, discovered a subterranean cave, which, it is surmised, served as a place of concealment and greater security for their wives and little ones, should the fort be surprised by the Indians in the ab- sence of the men on their farms at work.

Mr. Meiss, some years ago, informed my father that two of his brothers fell a victim to gratify the destructive propensity of the Indians. The two brothers were ploughing, and thus were surprised by the Indians. One of them was shot dead on the spot; the other, for his life, made for the house; having nearly reached his goal, and while in the act of leaping a fence, a ruthless Indian, hard on his heels, sunk his tomahawk in the head of his victim — he expired instantly." (Kupp., p. 321).

In Hanover Township, on November 16, 1755, a party of Indians crossed the Susquehanna, commenced their bloody deeds, and murdered thirteen persons.

In the autumn of 1756, a company of ten Indians came to the house of Noah Frederick, while ploughing, killed and scalped him, and carried away three children that were with him, the eldest but nine years old.

A correspondent from this township of the Penna. Gazette, says, in its issue of May, 1757, that the house of Isaac Snevely was set on fire and entirely consumed, with eighteen horses and cows, and that, on May 17th, five men and a woman were killed and scalped about thirty miles from Lancaster. In an- other letter, dated August 11th, it is stated that, on Monday, the 8th, George Mauerer was killed and scalped whilst cutting oats in George Scheffer's field. "There is now," says the same writer, "such a severe sickness in these parts — the like has

68 THE INDIAN FORTS

not been known — that many families can neither fight nor run away, which occasions great distress on the frontiers. Had it not been for forty men, which the province has in pay in this township, little of the harvest could have been saved, and as the time for which they have been engaged is nearly elapsed, the inhabitants hope the government will continue them in the service, else the consequences will be dreadful."

On Monday, May 22, Barnabas Tolon was killed and scalped in Hanover Township, ''and we are,'' says the Editor of the Penn'a Gazette, "well informed that one hundred and twenty- three persons have been murdered and carried off from that part of Lancaster (Lebanon) County, by the Indians, since the war commenced and that lately three have been scalped and are yet living."

On June 18th, 1758, Squire Bead writes to Edward Shippen that as Leonard Long was riding along the road, about a mile from Bead's house, he was killed and scalped. Mr. Bead, with some of his company, immediately went to the scene where they found the body lying in the road, bleeding, but could not track the Indians. (Penn. Arch., iii, p. 426).

The Indians continued to commit murders and depredations till December, 1763, when they were seen for the last time within the limits of Lebanon County.

Londonderry Township being more towards the interior was not so much exposed to the depredations of the savages as those on the northern frontiers. Nevertheless, in the more sparsely settled parts they committed various murders. June 19, 1757, nineteen persons were killed in a mill on the Quitapa- hilla Creek, and on the 9th of September, 1757, one boy and a girl were taken from Donegal township, a few miles south of Derry. (Loudon's Narratives, p. 200-208). About the same time, one Danner and his son Christian, a lad of twelve years, had gone into the Conewago hills to cut down trees; after felling one, and while the father was cutting a log, he was shot and scalped by an Indian, and Christian, the son, taken captive into Canada, where he remained until the close of the war when he made his escape. Another young lad, named Steger, was surprised by three Indians and taken captive whilst cutting hoop-poles, but, fortunately, after remaining with the Indians some months made his escape.

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 69

Jacob and Henry Boman, brothers, both young men, having been taken captive were tied in a secluded thicket by the In- dians, who left, it is presumed, to go to the Conestoga Indians, intending to return, but, in the interim, a Mr. Shally, who was returning from Lancaster to Lebanon, chanced to pass, and, upon their calling him, released them, and they returned to their parents living near the present Palmyra. (Rupp, p. 334) .

In Heidelberg Township nothing special occurred not com- mon to the other townships in the county. The Indians com- mitted several murders in the northern part, now Jackson. They carried off several children, one of whom, William Jack- son, was returned, who had been held captive for some time, in 1762, at Lancaster. (Rupp, p. 344).

In Jackson Township, near Stouchsburg, was the house of Benjamin Spycker, where the farmers under Conrad Weiser, rendezvoused in 1755, as previously described. In this, as well as the other townships, were several block houses, or places of refuge, one of which stood on the farm owned by Mr. Breitenbach in 1844, a short distance east of Myerstown. Philip Breitenbach, the father of Mr. Breitenbach, purchased the tract of land, on which the block house stood, from Martin Noacker. Philip Breitenbach was wont, on many occasions of alarm, to take his drum and beat it on an eminence near his house, to collect the neighbors from work into the fort. On one occasion the Indians pursued them close to the house, when one of the inmates took up a gun and shot the Indian dead on the spot. (Rupp, p. 363). About one mile northeast from Millerstown the first public house, in this region of country, was kept by the grandfather of Adam Ulrich, the occupant in 1844. Mr. Ulrich also kept a small store and traded with the Indians, many of whom staid weeks with him. Adam Ulrich's father, when a boy, frequently played with the Indians in the thickets. It appears there was a burying ground near Ulrich's house.

One evening, about 1756 or 57, Adam Ulrich's father and grandfather w^ere feeding their cattle when they were sur- prised by the Indians, fortunately escaped and eluded their pursuit, whereupon the Indians killed all the cattle by cutting out their tongues. (Rupp, p. 360).

70 THE INDIAN FORTS

This completes the record of a few of the said occurrences in Lebanon County, and the vicinity of Fort Swatara, which have been preserved. It is not pleasant to pursue them and the reader is doubtless quite ready to pass from their con- sideration to that of

FORT HENRY.*

Following the plan of defense which had been laid out, the next fort along the mountains was placed some fourteen miles to the East of Fort Swatara, and called Fort Henry. Some- times it is mentioned as Busse's Fort, from the name of its Commanding Officer. It was the most important fort between the Susquehanna and Lehigh Rivers, owing to the fact that it was about equally distant from each, and also because it was on the main road to Shamokin (Sunbury) and protected the most populous portion of the entire region. It lay near no village, nor any prominent stream from which it might derive a name or location; neither did it stand at any Gap in the mountain, of which none exists between Swatara Gap and that at Port Clinton, so that it could not be named or located with reference to any such pass. It did, however, practically command the connecting roads between the Swatara or Toli- haio Gap, and the numerous settlements near it, as the savages were obliged to come through the former to reach the latter. It is, therefore, occasionally referred to as "Fort Henry at Tolihaio," using the name ''Tolihaio" in a general sense to apply to the surrounding country, not necessarily right at Toli- haio or Swatara Gap itself. This subject has already been discussed and is only mentioned at this time to impress upon the reader the fact that no matter what may be said of Fort Henry, or under what conditions the name "Fort Henry" may be used it invariably refers to the one now under dis- cussion. It is also called, sometimes, the "Fort at Dietrich Six's" or "at Six's," because the murders which took place, at the outbreak of hostilities, near Dietrich Six's house, had much to do with the selection of its site on his farm.

The history of Fort Henry is very appropriately introduced by this letter of Conrad Weiser written, Nov. 19th, 1755, to Governor Morris:

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OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 71

"Honoured Sir:

On my return from Philadelphia I met in the township of Amity, in Berks County, the first news of our cruel Enemy having invaded the Country this Side of the Blue Mountain, to witt. Bethel and Tulpenhacpn. I left the Papers as they were in the Mesengers Hands, and hasted to Beading, where the Alarm and Confusion was very great. I was obliged to stay that Night and part of the next Hay, to witt, the 17th of this Instant, and sot out for Heidleberg, where I arrived that Evening. Soon after, my sons Philip and Frederick arrived from the Persuit of the Indians, and gave me the following Eelation, to witt, that on Saturday last about 4 of the Clock, in the Afternoon, as some Men from Tulpenhacon were going to Hietrich Six's Place under the Hill on Shamokin Boad to be on the watch appointed there, they were fired upon by the Indians but none hurt nor killed. (Our People were but Six in Number, the rest being behind). Upon which our People ran towards the Watch-house which was about one-half a mile off, and the Indians persued them, and killed and Scalped several of them. A bold. Stout Indian came up with one Christopher Ury, who turned about and shot the Indian right through his Breast. The Indian dropt down Dead, but was dragged out of the way by his own Companions. (He was found next day and scalped by our People). The Indians devided themselves in two Parties. Some came this Way to meet the Best that was going to the Watch, and killed some of them, so that six of our men were killed that Day, and a few Wounded. The Mght following the Enemy attacked the House of Thos. Bower, on Swatara Creek. They came to the House in the Dark night, and one of them put his Fire-Arm through the window and shot a Shoemaker (that was at Work) dead upon the spot. The People being extreamly Surprised at this Sudden attack, defended themselves by firing out of the windows at the Indians. The Fire alarmed a neighbor who came with two or three more Men ; they fired by the way and made a great noise, scared the Indians away from Bower's House, after they had set fire to it, but by Thomas Bower's Deligence and Conduct was timely put out again. So Thos. Bower, with his Family, went off that Night to his Neihbour

72 THE INDIAN FORTS

Daniel Schneider, who came to his assistance. By 8 of ye Clock Parties came up from Tupenhacon & Heidleberg. The first Party saw four Indians running off. They had some Prisoners whom they scalped immediately, three children lay scalped yet alive, one died since, the other two are like to do well. Another Party found a woman just expired, with a male Child on her side, both killed and Scalped. The Woman lay upon her Face, my son Frederick turned her about to see who she might have been and to his and his Comapions Sur- prize they found a Babe of about 14 Days old under her, raped up in a little Cushion, his nose quite flat, which was set right by Frederick, and life was yet in it, and recovered again. Our People came up with two Parties of Indians that Day, but they hardly got sight of them The Indians Ran off Imme- diately. Either our People did not care to fight them if they could avoid it, or (which is most likely) the Indians were alarmed first by the loud noise of our People coming, because no order was observed. Upon the whole, there is about 15 killed of our People, Including Men, Women and Children, and the Enemy not beat but scared off. Several Houses and Barns are Burned; I have no true account how many. We are in a Dismal Situation, some of this Murder has been committed in Tulpenhacon Township. The People left their Plantation to Avithin 6 or 7 miles from my House [located at the present town of Womelsdorf] against another attack.

Guns and Ammunition is very much wanted here, my Sons have been obliged to part with most of that, that was sent up for the use of the Indians. I pray your Honour will be pleased, if it lies in your Power, to send us up a Quantity upon any Condition. I must stand my Ground or my neighbours will all go away, and leave their Habitations to be destroyed by the Enemy or our own People. This is enough of such melancholy Account for this Time. I beg leave to Conclude, who am,

Sir, Your very obedient, CONRAD WEISER.

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 73

Heidleberg, in Berks

County, November 19th, 1755. P. S. — T am creditably informed just now that one Wolf, a Single Man, killed an Indian the same Time when Ury killed the Other, but the Body is not found yet. The Poor Young Man since died of his Wound through his Belly.

(Penn. Arch., ii, p. 503). To Governour Morris :

This first and violent onslaught of the Indians took place, as has been noted, in the vicinity of Dietrich Six's House, located near what is now the village of Millersburg, in Be*thel Township, Berks County, where already a watch-tower seems to have been erected.

The excitement amongst the settlers, caused by the depreda- tions of the Savages, was of such a character and brought about such action on their part, that it dare not be passed by in this recital, and will be here given before taking up further matters pertaining directly to Fort Henry.

All was alarm and confusion. In the absence of Weiser who had just been commissioned a Colonel at Philadelphia, where he was doubtless arranging the plan of campaign with the Governor, the farmers arranged to meet again at Benja- min Spickers, near the present Stouchsburg, just as they did in the previous month of October at the time of the alarm at Swatara Gap, and there organize for defense. Just then Mr. Weiser returned, and the following letter written by him to the Governor, immediately after the one given above, and of the same date, well portrays what happened :

May it please the Governor :

That night after my Arrival from Philadelphia, Emanuel Carpenter and Simon Adam Kuhn, Esq'rs, came to my House, and lodged with me. They acquainted me that a meeting was appointed (of the People of Tulpenhacon & Heidleberg and adjacent places) in Tulpenhacon Township [then occupy- ing the whole northwestern part of Berks county. — Author], at Benjamin Spicker's early next morning. I made all the

74 THE INDIAN FORTS

hast with the Indians I could, and gave them a Letter to Thos. MoKee, to furnish them with necessaries for their Journey. Scarujude had no Creature to ride on. I gave him one. Before I could get done with the Indians 3 or 4 Men came from Benja. Spickers to warn the Indians not to go that way, for the People ware so enraged against all the Indians, & would kill them without Distinction, I went with them; so did the Gentlemen before named. When we came near Benjamin Spicker's I saw about 400 or 500 men, and there was a loud noise, I rode before, and in riding along the Koad (and armed men on both Sides of the Koad) I heard some say, why must we be killed by the Indians and we not kill them! why are our Hands so tied? I got the Indians to the House with much adoe, where I treated them with a small Dram, and so parted in Love and Friendship. Capfn Diefenback undertook to con- duct them (with five other men) to Susquehannah. After this a sort of a Counsel of warr was held by the officers present, the before named and other Freeholders. It was agreed that 150 men should be raised immediately to serve as outscouts, and as Guards at Certain Places under the Kittitany Hills for 40 Days. That those so raised to have 2 Shillings a Day, & 2 Pound of Bread, 2 Pounds of Beaff and a Jill of Kum, and Powder & Lead. (Arms they must find themselves). This Scheme was signed by a good many Freeholders and read to the People. They cried out that so much for an Indian Scalp they would have (be they Friends or Enemies), from the Gov- ernor. I told them I had no such Power from the Governor nor Assembly. They begun, some to Curse the Governor; some the Assembly; called me a Traitor of the Country who held with the Indians, and must have known this murder be- fore hand. I sat in the House by a Lowe window, some of my Friends came to pull me away from it, telling me some of the People threatened to shoot me. I offered to go out to the People and either Pasefy them or make the Kings Proclama- tion ; But those in the House with me would not let me go out. The cry was. The Land was betrayed and sold. The Comon People From Lancaster (now Lebanon) County were the worst. The wages they said was a Trifle and said some Body pocketed the Best, and they would resent it. Some Body had put it

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 75

into their Head that I had it in my Power to give them as much as I pleased. I was in Danger of being Shot to Death. In the mean Time a great smoke arose under Tulpenhacon Mountain, with the news following, that the Indians had committed murder on mill Creek (a false alarm) and set fire to a Barn, most of the People Kan, and those that had Horses Rode ofi: without any Order or Regulation. I then took my Horse and went Home, where I intend to stay, and defend my own House as long as I can. There is no Doings with the People without a Law or Regulation by the Governor and Assembly. The people of Tulpenhacon all fled; till about 6 or 7 miles from me some few remains. Another such attack will lay all the Country waste on the West side of Schuyl- kill.

I am, Sir,

Your most obedient,

*

(Penn. Arch., ii, p. 504).

Although I can trace a quiet touch of sarcasm in Mr. Weiser's account of how the people fled upon the first rumor of danger, after their threats against him, yet the gravity of the situation cannot be questioned. It was so great, indeed, that some of the more prominent gentlemen present deemed it best to draw up a paper to be sent the Governor. On Novr. 24th the following statement was forwarded :

Honoured Sir:

We the Subscribers hereof, being met together to think on means how to withstand our cruel Indian Enemy, thought fit to acquaint your Honour of the Miserable Condition the Back Inhabitants of these parts are in :

(1st) Since the last cruel murder committed by the Enemy, most of the People of Tulpenhacon have left their Habitation ; Those in Heidelberg moves their Effects. Bethel Township is entirely deserted.

(2d) There is no Order among the People, one cries one Thing, and another another Thing. They want to force us to

76 THE INDIAN FORTS '

make a Law, that they should have a Eeward for every Indian which they kill; They demanded such a Law of us, with their Guns Cocked; pointing it towards us.

(3d. The People are so incensed, not only against our cruel Enemy the Indians, but also (we beg leave to inform your Honour) against the Governor and Assembly, that we are afeard they will go down in a Body to Philadelphia and comit the vilest Outrages. They say they will rather be hanged than to be butchered by the Indians, as some of their Neigh- bors have been lately, and the Poverty that some are in is very great.

(4) Yesterday we sent out about Seventy men to the moun- tains to take Possession of several Houses, and to range the Woods along the mountain in Berks County, on the west Side of Schu^dkill. The same Number are sent to the back Parts of Lancaster (Lebanon) County, we Promised them two Shil- lings a Day, two Pounds of Bread, two Pound of Beaff, and a Jill of Kum a Day, and Ammunition, and that for forty Days, or till we shall receive your Honours Order. We persuaded ourselves Your Honour will not leave us in the Lurch; We must have done such a Thing or else leave our Habitation. If no worse; and all this would not do, we and others of the Freeholders have been Obliged to promise them a Reward of four Pistoles for every Enemy Indian man they should kill. Many Things more we could mention but we don't care to Trouble your Honour any Farther, do therefore conclude, and beg leave to Subscribe ourselves.

Honoured Sir, your very humble Servants, CONRAD WEISER, EMANUEL CARPENTER, ADAM SIMON KUHN.

P. S. — I cannot forbear to acquaint your Honor of a certain

Circumstance of the late unhappy Affair: One Kobel,

with his wife and eight children, the eldest about fourteen Years and the youngest fourteen Days, was flying before the Enemy, he carrying one, and his wife and a Boy another of the Children, when they were fired upon by two Indians very

OF THE BLUE MOUNTAINS. 77

nigh, but hit only the Man upon his Breast, though not Dangerously. They, the Indians, then came with their Tom- hacks, knocked the woman down, but not dead. They in- tended to kill the Man, but his Gun (though out of order so that he could not fire) kept them off. The Woman recovered so farr, and seated herself upon a Stump, with her Babe in her Arms, and gave it Suck, and the Indians driving the chil- dren together, and spoke to them in High Dutch, be still we won't hurt you. Then they struck a Hatchet into the woman's Head, and she fell upon her Face with her Babe under her, and the Indian trod on her neck and tore off the scalp. The children then run; four of them were scalped, among which was a Girl of Eleven Years of Age, who related the whole Story; of the Scalped, two are alive and like to do well. The Kest of the Children ran into the Bushes and the Indians after them, but our People coming near to them, and hallowed and made noise ; The Indians Kan, and the Kest of the Children were saved. They ran within a Yard by a Woman that lay behind an Old Log, with two Children, there was about Seven or Eight of the Enemy.

I am,

Honoured Sir, your obedient, C, WEISER. I intend to send a wagon down to Philadelphia for Blankets and other Necessaries for the People, on their Guard under the mountain, and I hope it will be then in your Honours Power to supply us. (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 511).

The Governor was fully aroused by these horrible atrocities and endeavored to perform his whole duty. The correspond- ence received, together with his recommendations, were at once laid before the Assembly as well